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கருத்துக்கள உறுப்பினர்கள்
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kurukaalapoovan last won the day on August 19 2010

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  1. Earthquake and Tsunami Warning System (ETWS) introduces a means to deliver Warning Notification simultaneously to many mobile users who should evacuate from approaching Earthquake or Tsunami. Mobile user who received Warning Notification is able to know a threat is approaching or already happened nearby. Then the user is able to determine where and when to evacuate according to delivered Warning Notification. Mobile phone is a kind of the closest media for people. This system helps people to prevent from disaster situation or mitigate damage. The characteristic of this service is the need of quick and optimised information delivery. Currently, it is not possible to know beforehand the fact that an Earthquake is imminent. The Japanese government intends to create Earthquake early detection systems, which is called Earthquake Early Warning (EEW) System, during 2007 and expects that mobile operators study the feasibility of realizing a system for delivering Earthquake Early Warning information to mobile phone users. http://www.emergency-services-coordination.info/index.html
  2. Did The Stuxnet Worm Kill India’s INSAT-4B Satellite? On July 7, 2010, a power glitch in the solar panels of India’s INSAT-4B satellite resulted in 12 of its 24 transponders shutting down. As a result, an estimated 70% of India’s Direct-To-Home (DTH) companies’ customers were without service. India’s DTH operators include Sun TV and state-run Doordarshan and data services of Tata VSNL. INSAT-4B was put into orbit in March, 2007 by the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO), which conducts research and develops space technology for the government of India. It is also the agency which controls and monitors India’s satellites and space vehicles while they are operational. ... ..... http://blogs.forbes.com/firewall/2010/09/29/did-the-stuxnet-worm-kill-indias-insat-4b-satellite/
  3. கலைஞன் வசம்பண்ணாவின் நினைவு மீட்டல்களிற்கு நன்றி. சில விடையங்களில் வேறு நிலைப்பாட்டைக் கொண்டிருந்தாலும் மிகவும் பண்பான நேர்மையான கருத்தாளர். சற்று தொடர்பு பட்ட விடையம், மரணம் என்பது எல்லோரையும் என்றே ஒரு நாள் தீண்டப்போகிறது . எமது சொத்துக்கள் போன்றவற்றை மரணத்தின் பின் கைய்யாளுவதுதற்கு உயில் எழுதுவது போல் எமது இலத்திரனியல் தகவல்கள் இலத்திரனியல் சமூக வலையமைப்பில் உள்ள பரிமாற்றங்கள் என்பவற்றை எப்படி கைய்யாளபட வேண்டும் என்று எம்மிட ஏதாவது திட்டம் எல்லது எதிர்பார்ப்புகள் உள்ளதா? இதைப்பற்றி ஆர்வம் இருந்தால் கலைஞன் ஒரு திரி தொடங்குங்களேன்? http://lawvibe.com/planning-your-digital-estate-dealing-with-online-data-after-death/ http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/click_online/8273047.stm
  4. வசம்பண்ணாவின் குடும்பத்திற்கு இரங்கல்களும் ஆழ்ந்த அனுதாபங்களும்.
  5. ஒரு கைதியோடு செய்யப்பட்ட நல்லதொரு நேர்காணல். இறுதிப் பகுதி முன்னைய பகுதிகளிற்கு கிடைத்த விமர்சனங்களிற்கு பதிலாக அமைகிறது.
  6. பகிர்ந்தமைக்கு நன்றி கரும்பு. இப்பொழுது தான் முதலாவதை பார்த்து முடிச்சிருக்கு.
  7. Toward a fair ratings system By Deng Yuwen (China Daily) More agencies should be set up in developing nations to break the West's monopoly over the global credit ratings business A recent report by Dagong Global Credit Rating Co Ltd on the world's sovereign credit status and its risks, is a significant step by a non-Western entity to break the long-established monopoly of Western ratings agencies over the global credit ratings business. The report by China's first domestic ratings agency covered 50 countries whose gross domestic product (GDP) accounts for 90 percent of the world economy, and evaluated 27 countries differently from how Western rating agencies such as Moody's, Standard & Poor's (S&P) and Fitch have been doing. In its report, Dagong gave some emerging and well-performing economies higher ratings than the three Western rating giants did. It also gave a comparatively lower rating to those slow-growing developed countries that have been bogged down in economic and debt troubles. Due to its good economic performance in the context of the global financial crisis, China received a higher credit rating than the United States and some other Western countries, chiefly due to their worsening deficits. China's local-currency rating was AA+ and foreign currency rating AAA, according to the Dagong report, both higher than those given by Moody's, S&P and Fitch. In its report, Dagong rated the US "AA" with a negative outlook both in its local as well as foreign currency. In its report, Dagong mainly based its credit ratings criteria on different countries' comprehensive institutional strength and their fiscal conditions, with the former reflecting an economic entity's ability to guarantee wealth creation, an index that indicates its potential to create wealth and fiscal revenues in future, according to a manager of the agency's risks evaluation department. Fiscal conditions reflect an economic entity's funding fluidity in future through comparing its revenues and debt status. Dagong rated the 50 countries according to its own credit rating standards, which include the ability to govern a country, economic power, financial ability, fiscal status and foreign reserves, according to Guan Jianzhong, chairman of the non-governmental ratings agency. Undoubtedly, China's current political and economic institutions ensure that it has far higher ability than the US in wealth creation and revenue collection. Beijing's fiscal conditions are also much better than Washington's, not just now but also likely in the years ahead. A comparison between the two countries' GDP growth trends, foreign trade, international balance of payments, foreign reserves, their foreign debt and its structure, fiscal revenues and financial policies, all factors that influence a country's debt repayment ability, easily helped draw these conclusions. Dagong's report is expected to help break the long-established monopoly of Moody's, S&P and Fitch over the global credit ratings market. For a long time, the credit ratings offered by the three have caused controversies across the world due to their lack of an independent, impartial, objective and scientific perspective. Also, US values and standards have been mainly used to evaluate other countries' sovereign debt as well as those of their enterprises. This has not only resulted in their repeated failure to issue a necessary alert in a timely and accurate manner but has also contributed much to global financial turbulences. There exists two super-hegemonies in the current world, with one being the US and the other Moody's, a US politician once put it. Compared with the US' conquest of the world by means of force, Moody's has controlled the world through its dominance in credit ratings. ... .... http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/
  8. Europe Looks to Break US Ratings Monopoly The rating agencies assess and value the credit-worthiness, or ability to pay back a loan, of companies, banks and states. In doing so, the agencies publish ratings as well as assessments of business sectors and management reviews. The most influential rating agencies are Standard & Poor's (S&P), Moody's and Fitch, which are known as the "big three." The worse the bonds of a market participant are rated, the more expensive and difficult it is for them to borrow money. The cost of refinancing rises and, in a worst-case scenario, lenders may withdraw their investments. Banks and institutional investors, among others, rely on credit ratings to determine who they should lend money to. Agencies use letter codes to classify their ratings. Standard & Poor's and Fitch, for instance, issue a top rating of AAA. This is followed by ratings of AA, A, BBB, BB, B, CCC, CC and C. Most ratings have sublevels denoted by a plus or minus sign. BB+, Greece's current rating by S&P, is the highest speculative rating, a risky bet, and commonly referred to as "junk." Junk ratings descend to D, which denotes that a borrower is in default, or failure. Critics of the ratings system complain that it's often unclear how much weight mathematics, on the one hand, and opinion, on the other, are given when determining a credit rating. During the recent financial crisis, credit agencies were pilloried because they rated junk securities as safe investments. According to one risk-management firm, more than nine in 10 mortgages that were rated AAA in 2007 are now considered junk. Few doubt that US ratings agencies contributed greatly to the global financial crisis. Europe is now worried that the euro could also fall victim to credit downgrades -- and is exploring the possibility of creating its own ratings agency. ... ....... http://www.spiegel.de/
  9. Sovereign Credit Rating Report of 50 Countries in 2010 Chinese rating agency strips Western nations of AAA status China's leading credit rating agency has stripped America, Britain, Germany and France of their AAA ratings, accusing Anglo-Saxon competitors of ideological bias in favour of the West. Dagong Global Credit Rating Co used its first foray into sovereign debt to paint a revolutionary picture of creditworthiness around the world, giving much greater weight to "wealth creating capacity" and foreign reserves than Fitch, Standard & Poor's, or Moody's. The US falls to AA, while Britain and France slither down to AA-. Belgium, Spain, Italy are ranked at A- along with Malaysia. Meanwhile, China rises to AA+ with Germany, the Netherlands and Canada, reflecting its €2.4 trillion (£2 trillion) reserves and a blistering growth rate of 8pc to 10pc a year. Dominique Strauss-Kahn, chief of the International Monetary Fund, agreed on Monday that the rising East is a transforming global force. "Asia's time has come," he said. The IMF expects Asia to grow by 7.7pc in 2010, vastly outpacing the eurozone at 1pc and the US at 3.3pc. Emerging nations hold 75pc of the world's $8.4 trillion (£5.6 trillion) of reserves. Dagong rates Norway, Denmark, Switzerland, and Singapore at AAA, along with the commodity twins Australia and New Zealand. http://www.telegraph.co.uk...
  10. India’s concerns in Sri Lanka: Update No 199 India expecting dividends from Sri Lanka for its support during war by Col R Hariharan Leadership challenge When Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa visits New Delhi from June 8 to June 11 he will be stronger than ever before. The three things he achieved in his first term of office – wiping out Prabhakaran and his Tamil Tigers, re-election for a second term with increased margin of votes and an unprecedented victory in parliamentary poll with 60% mandate from the voters - give him the confidence to talk from a position of strength to New Delhi. Added to this Rajapaksa, in spite of his deceptive simplicity, has cleverly turned the Sinhala triumphalism in the wake of victory in the Eelam War to eliminate potential rivals. The popular hero of the Eelam War General Sarath Fonseka is facing court-martials. And the suave and articulate UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe is locked in a survival struggle to retain his position as leader of the United National Party. With Sri Lanka under his sway for next seven years, New Delhi will be contending the rejuvenated Mahinda Rajapaksa - the most powerful head of state from Sri Lanka ever to visit the Indian capital. Is New Delhi ready for the rejuvenated Rajapaksa? It should be because Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh has his own success story. He is stronger politically after an enlarged mandate from the people for his second term of office. The destructive coalition partners and opposition he faced in earlier term have been cut down to size. The Congress-led coalition’s economic management, despite complaints of absence of transparency, cronyism and corruption, has maintained the country on the growth path. Dr Manmohan Singh’s aspiration to take India-US relationship is getting a further lease of life. Of course this is largely due to the US coming to terms with the limitations in building a win-win relationship with China ignoring India. In spite of all this, New Delhi continues to show a subsuming hesitancy in handling Sri Lanka. If we look at the silent support New Delhi had provided the President ever since he was elected in 2005 and all along thereafter, both sides appear to have worked out a flexible model of collaboration, co-ordination and at times mutual condescension. The collaboration came with India providing Sri Lanka all facilities, short of modern weapons, to improve the capability of its armed forces. It provided real time intelligence to control, curb, and destroy the international logistic and support system of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). But Indian leadership could not trumpet its support as it had to tread the ground carefully at home as the ruling Congress-led coalition was weak and depended upon octogenarian leader Karunanidhi and the Dravida Munnetra Kazagham (DMK) party in Tamil Nadu.The shrewd Tamil Nadu chief minister milked the Eelam issue to gain maximum clout in New Delhi and divided the sympathy votes for Eelam Tamils at home in Chennai. As the war is over logically India should be expecting dividends from Rajapaksa for its support. And the expectations are probably on three major fronts: equity for Tamil minority, closer economic bonds, and greater strategic convergence between the two nations with India remaining a favoured partner in Sri Lanka’s strategic horizon. President Rajapaksa’s style is to turn compulsions into favours to be dispensed at a time and situation of his choosing. So how will India handle him? International discourses of Sri Lanka As K Venkatramanan of the Times of India said in a recent seminar, the Eelam war and its aftermath in Sri Lanka has thrown up a few international discourses. India has to show a sustaining interest in handling these discourses to fulfil its responsibilities as a nation. What are these discourses? Human rights and humanitarian issues How to deal with Sri Lanka (or any other nation in a similar situation) that has chosen to ignore international calls for improving its accountability on human rights as it feels it infringes its sovereignty. The European Union and the UK will continue to pressurise Sri Lanka on this count in the coming months. What should be India’s attitude on this moral issue cloaked in politics? India cannot afford to be either wholly idealistic or coldly real politick when human rights skeletons are rattling in its own counter terrorist operations. Can India continue to depend only upon back room diplomacy to prevail upon Sri Lanka to produce results, particularly when it is dealing with an ever more powerful Rajapaksa? Increased profile of the U.S. and China in Sri Lanka In Sri Lanka’s war and its aftermath both the U.S. and China asserted their roles with greater visibility and gained a strong foothold. India facilitated this by playing a muted role due to self imposed restraints due to internal political considerations. After the war Sri Lanka is facing two major problems in resolving which it needs international help. The first is the huge financial outlay required to rebuild north and east, and to speed up economic recovery to repair the crippling effect of war. The second is the growing pressure on Sri Lanka articulated by the UN Secretary General Ban ki Moon and in the UN human rights forums. Though India can match either the U.S. or China in meeting Sri Lanka’s economic needs, only the U.S. and China, as UN Security Council members with veto powers, can influence the UN course of action against Sri Lanka. This is going be crucial as the international lobby against war crimes in Sri Lanka is gathering more momentum. So logically, President Rajapaksa will have to accommodate the U.S. and China more in the national strategic spectrum without treading upon India’s toes. Will he do it is a more difficult question than can he do it? And what is going to be New Delhi’s strategy? Tamil issue During the war, many Sri Lankan Tamils rightly or wrongly perceive India as the villain that helped Rajapaksa bury the Eelam dream. Of course, in their passionate denouement they conveniently forget that India had always been opposed to independent Tamil Eelam. But this disenchantment of India has not been countervailed by increase in favourable Sinhalese attitude towards India. Even half-hearted Indian efforts to bring ethnic amity in Sri Lanka are still looked upon by many of them with suspicion. So unlike in the past, India has a problem at hand in carrying its voice heard in Sri Lanka in the midst of cacophony of its detractors. As the Tamil issue has an umbilical connection with Tamils in India and the Diaspora elsewhere its tugs and pulls go far and wide. This should not be understood merely in terms of electoral politics in which it continues as a peripheral issue. It has larger moral and social implications for Tamil society and its sensitivities. It should not be forgotten the Tamil society is only recently overcoming the sense of exclusivity and alienation that had bugged it since early days of India’s independence. A recent manifestation of this phenomenon was seen in the strident calls that came from Tamil movie industry for boycott of the non political International Indian Film Academy awards function in Colombo. Thus India’s actions and their impact on Sri Lanka continue to be relevant to Tamil people everywhere regardless of their attitude to India. This sensitivity rules the minds of many among Sri Lanka Tamil Diaspora still recovering from the elimination of the Tamil Tigers as a powerful entity. They are smarting under the loss of face as many Sinhalese are trumpeting their triumphalism. And President Rajapaksa had shown no hurry to address Tamil sensitivities on the issue of autonomy, perhaps because there is no Prabhakaran to threaten Sri Lanka’s unity. He has largely chosen to ignore the need for animation of the 13th amendment that is serving only as a wall paper of the Tamil issue. India had been promoting its full implementation as a face saving device; but Rajapaksa had so far shown a marked reluctance even to save India’s face, let alone tackle the Tamil issue head on. So what is India’s strategy? Economic discourse For some years now India had been building its economic relations with Sri Lanka. By signing its first ever the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 1998, India has shown Sri Lanka has a preferred status in its relations over other countries of South Asia. It is not merely Sri Lanka’s demonstrated capacity to remain with the highest human development index and highest GDP among South Asian countries that triggered India’s economic foray. Sri Lanka’s domination of the Indian Ocean also has a part to play in its economic strategy. In the last nine years since the FTA came into play India-Sri Lanka trade has increased by four times to US $ 2719 million (2009). In fact, in the SAARC region Sri Lanka is now India’s second largest trading partner. The two countries set up a Joint Study Group in April 2003 to enlarge the scope and content of the FTA and work out a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA). After 13 rounds of negotiations the CEPA has been given a final shape. The CEPA when signed will take the mutual trade between the two countries to higher levels of cooperation and coordination. The proposed agreement addresses four areas: trade in goods; trade in services; economic cooperation (in mutually agreed areas like fisheries, energy, pharmaceuticals, textiles, financial, infrastructure, tourism etc) and investment issues. In real terms it provides for seamless customs procedures, consumer protection standards and procedures. There had been some delay in signing this agreement due to opposition among sections of local business community in Sri Lanka. This is understandable as India is already a dominant trading partner with large economic clout. Both countries will have to convince them of the advantages in signing the CEPA. Of course, traditional India baiters among political parties now using the CEPA bogey will have to be tackled politically. President Rajapaksa who is supportive of the agreement will probably sign it at a time of his choosing - a politically opportune moment. From India’s point of view signing of CEPA is important as it signifies the growth of relations between the two nations to a higher level. It could also signal the graduation of SAARC from a talk shop to a forum of solid achievement as the CEPA would set a precedence for other members to enhance economic cooperation. Thus it will have implications for the region and beyond. So how India is going to push it through? Talks in News Delhi Considering the complex issues cooking in India-Sri Lanka platter for sometime, President Rajapaksa’s visit assumes importance. However, according to media reports emanating from New Delhi, out of the 11 agreements under negotiation, only five have been finalised and are ready for signing. The five agreements do not include crunch issues. They relate to cooperation to fight terrorism, transfer of sentenced prisoners, mutual legal assistance in criminal matters, cultural cooperation, and Indian assistance for small development projects in Sri Lanka. So apparently there are not going to be any dramatic breakthroughs except for the usual diplomatic rhetoric. But President Rajapaksa is a man full of surprises, as Prabhakaran discovered to his detriment. So what is going to come out of his visit? We will have to wait and see. (Col R Hariharan, a retired Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia, served with the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka as Head of Intelligence. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the South Asia Analysis Group. E-Mail: colhari@yahoo.com Blog: www.colhariharan.org) http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/notes6/note586.html
  11. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Holocaust_memorials_and_museums http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Holocaust/israelmons.html http://www.science.co.il/holocaust-museums.asp http://www.holocaustmmb.org/ http://www.1944.pl/ http://www.thmc.org/index.html http://fcit.usf.edu/HOLOCAUST/resource/GALLERY/galleryo.htm http://holocaustimages.com/
  12. அய்ஸ்லாந்தில் அதிகளவில் எரிமலைகள் இருப்பது பற்றிய சிறுகுறிப்பு. கடந்தமாதத்தில் இருந்து மீண்டும் இயங்க ஆரம்பித்திருக்கும் எரிமலை: Eyjafjallajökull அதன் அருகே இருக்கும் பல மடங்கு தாக்கத்தை தரக்கூடிய எரிமலை: Katla கடந்த கால அவதானிப்புகளின் படி Eyjafjallajökull இன் இயக்கம் Katla வை தூண்டலாம் என்கிறார் இந்தப் பதிவாளர்.
  13. வீரவணக்கங்கள். இந்த நேரத்தில் போராட்டத்தீ பேணப்படுவதையும் வெற்றிகரமாக அடுத்த சந்ததிக்கு கைய்யளிக்கப்படுவதையும் உறுதி செய்வோம். அது தான் தாயகத்திற்காக போராடி மடியும் மாவீரர்களிற்கும் மக்களிற்கும் செய்யும் பொருத்தமான அஞ்சலியாக இருக்கும். போராட்டத்தீ அடுத்த சந்ததிக்கு வெற்றிகரமாக கைய்யளிக்கப்படுவதற்கான நீண்டக காலத் திட்டங்கள் முதலீடுகளிற்கு இன்னமும் காலம் கடந்துவிடவில்லை என்பது நம்பிக்கைக்குரிய விடையம்.