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காதலின் தேடலில்
எப்பொழுதேனும் ஒருமுறை
இழப்பின் தருணத்தையே
உணர்ந்துள்ளோம்
பிரிதலின் வலியை 
உணர்ந்துள்ளோம்
எப்பொழுதேனும் ஒருமுறை
நெருப்பின் பொறிகளால் 
தூண்டப்பட்டுள்ளோம்
நீயும் நானும்
உனதும் எனதும் என்பதிலிருந்து 
நீங்கும் கணத்தில்
நாங்கள் அகன்ற நீயும் நானும் மட்டும்
இன்பத்தில் திளைத்திருக்கக்கூடும்!

 

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ஈழத்து இசை ஆவணம்- 2
.
பாடல் : ' சின்ன வயதிலே நீ '
மெட்டு/வரிகள் : இணுவில் ஸ்ரீ வீரமணி ஐயர் 
பாடியவர் : அழகேசன் அமிர்தசிந்துஜன்
இசை /ஒலிப்பதிவு : பத்மயன் சிவானந்தன்
நடனம் : துவாரகா கிருபாகரன் 
எண்ணம்/இசை தயாரிப்பு  : இரோஷன் புவிராஜ்
 படத்தொகுப்பு/ஒளிப்பதிவு/ இயக்கம்  : சாந்தகுமார் கனகலிங்கம்
தயாரிப்பு நிர்வாகம் : சுரேந்திரகுமார் கனகலிங்கம்

 

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Irakkam Varaamal describes a bhakta who is asking Shiva the reason for his indifference. What is the reason that you have no mercy and kindness toward me? Have I not done what is meant to be done? I came to you believing that you are an ocean of mercy and kindness, I heard that you drank poison to save and protect the people who came for your help. Yet when I stand here before you, you show no compassion. Gopalakrishnan ( the composer of the song) , sang your praises as Nataraja, the cosmic dancer and I believed his words. 

Whatever mistakes and errors I have made in my life, I know that once offered at your feet in Chidambaram, they vanish. I have followed the words of the elders and the path they have laid and I am devoted you in every way. Why is it that you do not bestow your kindness upon me? 
 

தனது அலட்சியத்திற்கான காரணத்தை சிவனிடம் கேட்கும் ஒரு பக்தரை ஈரகம் வரமால் விவரிக்கிறார். நீங்கள் என்னிடம் கருணையும் தயவும் காட்டாததற்கு என்ன காரணம்? செய்ய வேண்டியதை நான் செய்யவில்லை? நீங்கள் கருணை மற்றும் தயவின் பெருங்கடல் என்று நம்பி உங்களிடம் வந்தேன், உங்கள் உதவிக்காக வந்த மக்களைக் காப்பாற்றவும் பாதுகாக்கவும் நீங்கள் விஷம் குடித்தீர்கள் என்று கேள்விப்பட்டேன். இன்னும் நான் இங்கே உங்கள் முன் நிற்கும்போது, நீங்கள் இரக்கம் காட்டவில்லை. கோபாலகிருஷ்ணன் (பாடலின் இசையமைப்பாளர்), நடராஜா, அண்ட நடனக் கலைஞர் என உங்கள் புகழைப் பாடினார், அவருடைய வார்த்தைகளை நான் நம்பினேன்.

என் வாழ்க்கையில் நான் செய்த தவறுகள் மற்றும் பிழைகள் எதுவாக இருந்தாலும், சிதம்பரத்தில் உங்கள் காலடியில் ஒரு முறை வழங்கப்பட்டாலும் அவை மறைந்துவிடும் என்பதை நான் அறிவேன். பெரியவர்களின் வார்த்தைகளையும் அவர்கள் வகுத்த பாதையையும் நான் பின்பற்றினேன், எல்லா வழிகளிலும் நான் உங்களை அர்ப்பணிக்கிறேன். உங்கள் தயவை ஏன் எனக்கு அளிக்கவில்லை?

 

 

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This piece is interpreted from the perspective of a Gopika who reminisces in the memories that she had of Krishna as she walks through Vrindavan. Everything around her reminds her of Krishna and she thinks of the moments that they spent together as she describes his beauty.


பிருந்தாவன் வழியாக நடந்து செல்லும்போது கிருஷ்ணாவைப் பற்றிய நினைவுகளை நினைவுபடுத்தும் கோபிகாவின் கண்ணோட்டத்தில் இந்த துண்டு விளக்கப்படுகிறது. அவளைச் சுற்றியுள்ள அனைத்தும் கிருஷ்ணாவை நினைவூட்டுகின்றன, மேலும் அவர் தனது அழகை விவரிக்கையில் அவர்கள் ஒன்றாகக் கழித்த தருணங்களைப் பற்றி அவள் நினைக்கிறாள்.

 
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40 minutes ago, குமாரசாமி said:

 

குனித்த புருவமும், கொவ்வைச் செவ்வாயில் குமிண் சிரிப்பும்,
பனித்த சடையும், பவளம் போல் மேனியில் பால் வெண் நீறும்,
இனித்தம் உடைய எடுத்த பொன்பாதமும் காணப் பெற்றால்
மனி(த்)தப் பிறவியும் வேண்டுவதே, இந்த மா நிலத்தே!🙏

சொல்லாலே இயம்பிடல் இயலாதையா ஆடல் வல்லோனின்.....

Siva Keerthanam:
 This is one of Smt. Sheela Unnikrishnan’s early choreographies which her students have been performing in many Bharathanatyam competitions for the last 15 years. And this piece has always fetched the first place, owing to its timeless choreography and the soulful lyrics and music composition by Madurai Sri R. Muralidharan. This presentation by the four dancers is a mark of their evolvement during SDN’s lockdown sessions.

In this song, the devotee declares that the beauty of Nataraja in Chidambaram, cannot be expressed in words! 

He, who is the Lord worshipped by thousands of sages, is omnipresent in this Universe. Words can not suffice His eternally ecstatic Dance, says the devotee.

His bow like eye brows twitch this way and that way as He dances with the matchless Nine Rasas. His consort, Uma dances gracefully by His side and the Ganaas accompany Him on the music. The crescent moon, the Kondrai flower and His matted hair dance asserting the annihilation of sorrow. The tiger skin which adorns His waist, dances; the Universe dances; the devotees who seek refuge, also dance. The snake ornaments dance and the entire cosmos dances in Ananda! Words cannot describe His blissful dance in Chidambaram.

சிவ கீர்த்தனம்:
 இது திருமதி. ஷீலா உன்னிகிருஷ்ணனின் ஆரம்பகால நடனங்கள் அவரது மாணவர்கள் கடந்த 15 ஆண்டுகளாக பல பாரதநாட்டியம் போட்டிகளில் பங்கேற்று வருகின்றனர். காலமற்ற நடன மற்றும் மதுரை ஸ்ரீ ஆர். முரளிதரனின் ஆத்மார்த்தமான பாடல் மற்றும் இசை அமைப்பின் காரணமாக இந்த துண்டு எப்போதும் முதல் இடத்தைப் பிடித்தது. நான்கு நடனக் கலைஞர்களின் இந்த விளக்கக்காட்சி SDN இன் பூட்டுதல் அமர்வுகளின் போது அவர்களின் வளர்ச்சியின் அடையாளமாகும்.

இந்த பாடலில், சிதம்பரத்தில் நடராஜாவின் அழகை வார்த்தைகளில் வெளிப்படுத்த முடியாது என்று பக்தர் அறிவிக்கிறார்!

அவர், ஆயிரக்கணக்கான முனிவர்களால் வணங்கப்படும் இறைவன், இந்த பிரபஞ்சத்தில் எங்கும் நிறைந்தவர். அவரது நித்திய பரவசமான நடனத்திற்கு வார்த்தைகள் போதுமானதாக இருக்காது என்று பக்தர் கூறுகிறார்.

கண் புருவங்களைப் போன்ற அவரது வில் இந்த வழியையும் அந்த வழியையும் இழுக்கிறது, அவர் பொருந்தாத ஒன்பது ராசாக்களுடன் நடனமாடுகிறார். அவரது துணைவியார், உமா அவரது பக்கத்திலேயே அழகாக நடனமாடுகிறார், மேலும் கானாஸ் அவருடன் இசையில் வருகிறார். பிறை நிலவு, கோண்ட்ராய் மலர் மற்றும் அவரது பொருத்தப்பட்ட முடி நடனம் ஆகியவை துக்கத்தை அழிப்பதை உறுதிப்படுத்துகின்றன. அவரது இடுப்பை அலங்கரிக்கும் புலி தோல், நடனமாடுகிறது; யுனிவர்ஸ் நடனங்கள்; அடைக்கலம் தேடும் பக்தர்களும் நடனமாடுகிறார்கள். பாம்பு ஆபரணங்கள் நடனமாடுகின்றன மற்றும் முழு பிரபஞ்சமும் ஆனந்தத்தில் நடனமாடுகிறது! சிதம்பரத்தில் அவரது ஆனந்தமான நடனத்தை வார்த்தைகளால் விவரிக்க முடியாது.

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    • 1964 ம் ஆண்டு என நினைக்கிறேன் இதுபோன்ற ஒரு பனிமூட்டம் மட்டக்களப்பில் வந்தது. அன்று வாழைச்சேனை காகித ஆலையில் வேலைபார்த்த தேவா என்பவர், பலாலி விமானநிலைய மேலாளரின் மகன், முகத்துவாரத்தில் தற்கொலை செய்துகொண்டார். காரணம் தெரியாது. பனிமூட்டம் பிற்பகல் 2 மணிவரை நீடித்தது. 
    • கடந்த புரட்டாசி மாதத்திலிருந்து எனது வேலையில் நிறைய மாற்றங்கள் அதனால் இன்றுவரை வேலைப்பளு மிக அதிகம்... computer, laptop, mobile போன்ற இலத்திரனியல் சாதனங்களை பார்த்தாலே எரிச்சல் வருமளவிற்கு கொண்டுவந்துவிட்டார்கள்..அதனால் எப்போது வெளியே ஒரு கடற்கரையோர நடையோ, மலைப்பாதை நடையோ இல்லை வழமையான மலைப்பாதை கார்ப்பயணமோ போகலாம் என யோசித்தப்படி இருந்த சமயத்தில்தான் இந்த நடைப்பயண சந்தர்ப்பம் வந்தது..  எப்பொழுதும் இலத்திரனியல் சாதனங்களையே பார்த்தபடி இருந்த கண்களுக்கும் ஒரு விடுதலை.. அத்துடன் என் மனதிற்கு பிடித்த இயற்கையோடு இணைந்த நடைப்பயணம்..  அதனை உங்களுடன் பகிர்ந்துகொள்கிறேன்.. Ku-rin-gai Chase National Park சிட்னியின் வடக்கே அமைந்துள்ள தேசிய பூங்கா முக்கியமான வரலாற்றை உடைய மனதை மயக்கும் அழகோடு இணைத்து ஒரு மலைப்பிரதேசம்.. இது அவுஸ்ரேலியாவின் இரண்டாவது பழமையான தேசிய பூங்கா, முக்கியமான வரலாற்றை அழகிய அழகுடன் இணைக்கிறது... வரலாற்று இடங்களின்ப்பட்டியலில் இந்த பூங்காவும் உள்ளது.. சிற்றோடைகள், மழைக்காடுகள் மற்றும் யூகலிப்ட்கள், பாறைகள் மற்றும் சதுப்பு நிலங்களை கொண்ட இந்த பூங்காவிற்கு இயற்கையே இதன் அரண்களாகும்... சைக்கிள் ஓட்டுதல், மீன்பிடித்தல், இயற்கையோடு இணைந்து இரவை/பொழுதை முகாமிடுதல், மலைப்பாதை நடைப்பயணங்களுக்கு ஏற்றவை இந்த பூங்கா குரிங்-காய்  அல்லது குரிங்கை என்று அழைக்கப்படும் ஒரு பழங்குடியினரின் பூர்வீக நிலமாகும்.. இதனால் அவர்களது பெயராலேயே அழைக்கப்படுகிறது..  நான் வாழுமிடத்திலிருந்து 45 நிமிட கார்பயணத்தில் உள்ள இந்த இடத்தில் காலைப் பொழுதை கழிக்கும் சந்தர்ப்பம் கிடைத்தது..நடைப்பாதை பயணத்திற்குரிய ஆடை,  பாதணிகள், தொப்பி, தண்ணீர்ப்போத்தல்களுடன் ஒரு கைத்தடியையும் கொண்டு( மரகிளைக்கிளைகளை தொடுவதற்கு ஒரு தயக்கமும், சரிவான இடங்களில் ஊன்றி இறங்கி ஏறவும், அடர்த்தியான புதர்களை ஓரளவிற்கு விலத்தி நடக்கவும்.) பயணம் தொடங்கியது..  காலைவேளையில் அதிகளவு மனிதர்கள் வரும் முன்பு போனால் அங்கே உங்களை முதலில் வரவேற்பவர் பல்லியினத்தை சேர்ந்த இவரே..எந்தவித கவலையுமின்றி உலாவும் பல்லியினத்தை சேர்ந்த அவருக்கு தொல்லைகள் கொடுக்காவிட்டால் தன் போக்கில் உலாவுவார்... நீல நாக்கு பல்லி, அவுஸ்ரேலியாவில் அதிகமாக காணப்படும் ஊர்வனங்களில் ஒன்றாகும், இது NSW இன் பெரும்பகுதி முழுவதும் காணப்படுகிறது. பெரிதாக இருந்தாலும் கூச்ச சுபாவம் கொண்ட உயினமாகும். அடுத்ததாக தரையில் அடைகாத்து கொண்டிருந்த The masked Lapwings (Vanellus miles), தன்முட்டைகளை எடுத்துவிடுவோம் என்ற பயத்திலும் சனநாடமாட்ட எரிச்சலிலும்  கத்தியது.. பறந்துவந்து அதன் பெருங்குரலில் கத்தி கொத்திவிடுவது போல பயமுறுத்தியது இந்த  கூடு கட்டும் பருவத்தில் அதன் தற்காப்பு நடத்தைக்கு பெயர் பெற்ற masked lapwings பறவை. மஞ்சள் நிறத்திலான குச்சிபோன்ற இறகுகளை உடையதால், மஞ்சள் ஈட்டிகளை சுமந்து செல்வதாக பழங்குடி மக்கள் கூறுவதுண்டு... நடை தொடரும்  
    • Sri Lanka bans Tamil remembrance of war dead 27/11/2020 - 11:16 President Gotabaya Rajapaksa's government petitioned the courts to have Tamil Tiger commemorations bannedLAKRUWAN WANNIARACHCHI AFP Colombo (AFP) Commemorations for Tamil Tiger rebels killed in Sri Lanka's decades-long civil war were banned on Friday after court petitions by the government of strongman President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Sri Lanka's 37-year conflict began in 1972 when Tamil Tigers waged a bloody war against government troops in a campaign for a separate homeland for their ethnic minority group. Rajapaksa was defence chief when the Tigers were finally defeated in 2009 while his brother Mahinda Rajapaksa was president, winning them the adoration of many in the Sinhala majority population. For years, Tamils were not allowed to commemorate their war dead, but a ban on "Heroes' Day" ceremonies at cemeteries was lifted after Mahinda was voted out of office in 2015. The Rajapaksa brothers returned to power last year however when Gotabaya was elected president.  His government petitioned courts in the Tamil-majority north of Sri Lanka this week and obtained prohibition orders against the commemorations, the attorney general's office said. The main Tamil political party, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), protested against the ban on Friday. "Even in the remembrance of the dead there is discrimination against the Tamils in Sri Lanka," TNA legislator Abraham Sumanthiran said on Twitter. He said the majority Sinhalese governments had not barred the leftist JVP, or People's Liberation Front, from commemorating their mainly Sinhalese comrades killed in two failed insurrections in 1971 and in the late 1980s. Police said they had already arrested four people "for posting Heroes' Day-related messages on social media".  The rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) declared in the late 1980s that November 27 would be their "Heroes' Day" in memory of self-styled Tiger Lieutenant Shankar, their first combatant killed by security forces in 1982. Sri Lanka's Tamil separatist war cost the lives of more than 100,000 people, according to United Nations estimates. The UN accused Sri Lankan forces of killing at least 40,000 Tamil civilians in its military campaign, an allegation denied by successive governments. © 2020 AFP https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20201127-sri-lanka-bans-tamil-remembrance-of-war-dead
    • Sri Lanka: What went wrong with Ranil?       by Victor Ivan The process of the old stock of political leaders and their parties losing the recognition they have enjoyed so far can be described as an integral part of the historical process of ending the old era of the political history of Sri Lanka. The loss of recognition enjoyed by Ranil Wickremesinghe, the Leader of the UNP, and his party can be seen as an outcome of this historical process.  Then the Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe (R) with New Zealand Prime Minister John Key (L) at a Ceremony of Welcome at Government House on October 1, 2016 in Auckland, New Zealand.  Even the Samagi Jana Balawegaya which has made a critical impact on the downfall of the UNP and its Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe has not been able to secure adequate Parliamentary representation to establish itself as a powerful alternative force. Perceived from this angle, it appears that in symbolic sense the political movement of the UNP has come to an end. Nepotism and family bandism  The UNP is the second oldest party, next only to the Lanka Sama Samaja Party. The UNP was established in 1946 while the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) was founded in 1935. It has ruled the country alternately for almost half of the post-independence period, the remaining period being ruled by the SLFP. Under the circumstances, both parties, the UNP and the SLFP, are equally responsible for the defeats suffered and victories gained by the country. The UNP can be considered as the biggest party that Sri Lanka had. It is mostly the Rajapaksa family being referred to when nepotism or family bandism in politics is talked about. Similarly, the UNP also can be described as a party founded and maintained by a strong family cartel closely linked by kinship. The strong and influential members of this family cartel can be considered as a close-knit family network which had become affluent through various commercial ventures including the arrack trade during the British rule and had achieved prestigious status in the society. So much so, in the early years of its rule the UNP was known as the ‘Uncle-Nephew Party’ because of the close blood ties between its major leaders.  Bandaranaike left the UNP as he believed that he would not stand a chance to be the leader of the party, no matter how qualified he was. Following the assassination of Bandaranaike, his widow took the reins of the SLFP and built it as a personal fiefdom of her family. During the 1977 General Election, the UNP sarcastically compared the Government of Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike to a family tree and a book was also published with cartoon-style illustrations in this connection. Apparently, the Rajapaksas might have learnt the importance attached to family bandism or nepotism from Senanayakes, Jayewardenes and Sirima Bandaranaike. Finally it was Rajapaksas who became veterans of it. J.R. Jayewardene  J.R. Jayewardene was a leader who showed greater sensitivity for family bandism, though he claimed during the 1977 election that he had no prince or princess to be crowned. In preparing the potential queue of future leaders of the UNP in 1977, he did not forget to carve out a niche for Ranil Wickremesinghe, an important member of his family, and place him in an important slot in it.  President Jayewardene offered him the post of Deputy Foreign Minister in his Government of 1977 and then made him a Cabinet Minister in the very first Cabinet reshuffle. Perhaps, President Jayewardene might have expected that, on account of family ties, Ranil should succeed him as the leader of the party. Following the assassinations of President Ranasinghe Premadasa, Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake, Ranil was able to sail into the leadership of the party without a major challenge. Both Jayewardene and Premadasa ruled the party the way the autocratic leaders control their teams. In doing so, the two leaders were able to maintain a Machiavellian atmosphere within the party which ensured maximum loyalty of the party members to the party leader. Ranil’s limitations But Ranil did not possess the Machiavellian toughness displayed by his two predecessors. A leader like Ranil should have achieved that stature by changing the feudal nature of the party and making it more democratic in functioning. Ranil had the necessary knowledge for that, but he did not take an interest in democratising the party and establishing himself as a democratic leader in the precincts of the party itself. Instead, he augmented the dictatorial nature of the Party Constitution and assumed the role of a dictatorial leader within the party while seeking to project the image of a democratic leader in the face of the country. President Jayewardene strengthened the UNP. But at the same time he contributed to corrupting the party to the maximum. With the abolition of laws that governed the utilisation of party funds and election funds, the UNP has become a party that depends on black money. Not only the party but also the Parliament and the entire political system decayed into a state of rottenness with rampant corruption following the MPs being allowed to transact business with the government in violation of the law of the land and the accepted ethics of the world. President Jayewardene let the plunder of public property become a regular feature of State rule. Corruption can be considered as one of the main factors that have largely contributed to destruction and the failure of Sri Lanka. If Ranil had a sincere desire to rescue Sri Lanka from corruption, first of all, he should have rescued his party from corruption. For whatever reason, Ranil did not have a genuine desire for it. As a result, Ranil lost the opportunity to implement a genuine reforms program for Sri Lanka despite him having the necessary knowledge for that. When he came to power in 2001, he was well aware that the Judiciary was rife with corruption. Despite having enough power to change the situation he did nothing effective except for standing aloof and leaving the problem to aggravate and fossilised.  Caught in a trap  In the modern sense, Sri Lanka cannot be considered a country that has produced mature political leaders. Ranil was an exception and can be considered as the most knowledgeable and experienced leader among contemporary politicians. In politics, Ranil was known as an ace trickster. Yet, in the end, he was doomed politically as a result of being caught in a trap set by others against him. From the outset, I perceived the Yahapalana program as a tactical ploy launched by a third party using the name of Venerable Sobitha Thero also in it with cynical intentions of capturing power in a devious way by defeating not only Mahinda Rajapaksa but also Ranil Wickremesinghe as well. I have spoken and written about it in public at that time. The idea of the common candidate had been used to substantiate the argument that Ranil lacked the strength to defeat a powerful leader of the calibre of Mahinda Rajapaksa. But in 2005, Ranil contested the Presidential Election with Mahinda and lost because of the election boycott imposed by Prabhakaran. If Ranil was not the most suitable candidate of the UNP, then a suitable contestant should have been found from within the party and not from outside. Arising of serious confusions is inevitable when an outsider is brought to power using the powerful vote base of the UNP. On the other hand, it is a great injustice done to the party. Moreover, there should have been a system in place to restrict the outsider, the common candidate if he tends to misuse the enormous power that he gains. But there was no such mechanism incorporated into the Yahapalana program. Even the reforms program presented with the Yahapalana formula can also be considered as a false program formulated ignoring the real reforms that the country needed. I spoke to Ranil and expressed my views on the dangers of this program. At that time Maithripala Sirisena had not been chosen as the common candidate. I told him that the dream of a common candidate will be shattered if the UNP could field a candidate of its own for the Presidential Election and then the UNP will have a chance to contest it and initially there can be minor misunderstandings, but eventually all anti-Mahinda factions will support the UNP candidate. Ranil not only listened to my views but endorsed them. Thereafter, I met Karu Jayasuriya, blamed him for being a party to the program of the common candidate and warned him about the dire consequences of it. Then I met with Ven. Sobitha Thera and talked about it. Mano Tittawella and Sumathipala Kariyawasam were also present in this discussion. I stated that if we want to defeat Mahinda Rajapaksa, it should be done formally as the informal attempts can have disastrous consequences. Finally, Ranil agreed to the candidacy of Maithripala Sirisena because of the firm assurance given by Chandrika on his behalf. On account of Chandrika’s patronage Ranil believed that the anti-Ranil elements behind the Yahapalana program would not stand a chance to enter into a big deal with Maithripala. However, in the end Ranil became an inescapable prisoner of the Yahapalana trap. If Ranil had contested the 2015 Presidential Election, probably he would have won it in a close contest. But I don’t believe that it would have made a big difference except for retarding the rapidity of the speed at which the country was moving towards destruction.  Conclusion  Not only the present rulers, but also the previous rulers are equally responsible for the disaster that the country is facing now. All the leaders involved in the Yahapalana regime knowingly or unknowingly have duped the reforms needs of Sri Lanka. It’s a different matter that the actual reforms needed for Sri Lanka have not been identified correctly and wisely. Yet, the sacrifice made to achieve even those reforms that they introduced has cost the lives of several thousands of people and the sweat and tears of many more who had been oppressed for their attempt to realise them. Most of their reforms have been reversed the way a tender plant is uprooted with a tiny shovel. The rest, it is clear, has been implemented in a mighty hurry, and on shifting sand without a strong foundation. The Judiciary was in a state of extreme degeneration. The Yahapalana Government did not have a clear vision to rectify the situation, and it foolishly believed that the system of independent commissions would automatically clean up the Judiciary. The Court’s decision on Ranil Wickremesinghe preventing him from being removed from the portfolio of the Prime Minister was viewed as a significant indicator that reflected the outstanding progress presumed to have been achieved by the Judiciary. However, this judgment was given not because the Judiciary in general has achieved great progress, but apparently because the Chief Justice who had reached the retirement age possessed a strong urge to mete out justice impartially. After this judgement, many things have happened in the Judiciary that should not have happened in a Court of Law. On this subject, sadly, Sri Lanka is now in a state of a deep abyss.   http://www.srilankaguardian.org/2020/11/sri-lanka-what-went-wrong-with-ranil.html?m=1
    • Ethiopia's Tigray crisis: Fears of a march into guerrilla warfare 11 hours ago   AFP The regional government in Tigray has a powerful force After being ensconced in power in Ethiopia's northern Tigray region for nearly three decades, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) could be preparing to return to the mountains to launch a guerrilla war against the federal government.  But the Ethiopian military believes that it can prevent this from happening through the offensive it launched on 4 November to oust the TPLF and arrest more than 70 of its leaders and military officers.  They include veterans of the 17-year guerrilla war that led to the TPLF seizing power in the federal capital, Addis Ababa, in 1991 and who then controlled the country's military and intelligence services until Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed purged them when he took office in 2018. He accused them of being repressive and corrupt - charges they deny.  Having retreated to their strongholds in Tigray while Mr Abiy established his control over the rest of Ethiopia, earlier this month they seized control of a key federal military base - which is part of the Northern Command - located near Tigray's capital, Mekelle, apparently without much resistance.    'Ready to die'   The International Crisis Group (ICG), a non-governmental organisation which focuses on conflict-prevention, described it as the federal military's largest regional military command. Getty Images Tigray's mountainous landscape makes it conducive for guerrilla warfare The TPLF seized an array of weapons, including rockets and missiles, though the Ethiopian military still has considerable air power, including fighter jets and helicopter gunships. Their operation came after Mr Abiy's government decided to redirect funding away from the Tigray leadership, accusing them of holding an "illegal" election for the regional legislature in September, rather than abiding by a federal decision to postpone all polls because of coronavirus. BBC TPLF officials say they took the parts of the Northern Command because they believed that federal intervention was imminent. Mr Abiy responded by accusing the TPLF of crossing the "final red line", and ordered air strikes and the deployment of troops to Tigray.  Twenty-two days into the conflict, Mr Abiy says the army is now launching the "final phase" of its operation in Tigray to take control of Mekelle, which will be over in the "coming days". But TPLF leader Debretsion Gebremichael has been defiant, telling AFP earlier in the week: "We are people of principle and ready to die in defence of our right to administer our region."   Which side has more fighters?   ICG Ethiopia analyst William Davison says the TPLF may be able to call on more than 200,000 fighters - from militias in villages to special forces in the regional government. "Because of the changed political dynamics over the last two years, there has been significant recruitment and training in Tigray," he told the BBC.  AFP Amhara militiamen have been fighting on the side of the Ethiopian army in Tigray The ICG does not give an estimate of the strength of the Ethiopian military, but Reuters news agency quotes the Janes security data group as saying that it has around 140,000 active personnel, most of them in the army. If these estimates are correct, the Ethiopian military may have fewer soldiers than the TPLF, but it can bolster its numbers by drawing on the special forces of other regional governments - Ethiopian law allows each of them to have these paramilitary units to provide security within their territory.  Significantly, special forces from the Amhara regional government - which has a long-running land dispute with Tigray - helped federal troops secure territory in western Tigray when the conflict started. "In the west, joint federal and Amhara control may be more established because those forces outnumbered and overpowered local Tigray forces," said Mr Davison. "There are also more flat areas in the west, giving a conventional army more advantage," he said, adding that this was unlike the terrain in the "core" of Tigray, around cities in the east, like Mekelle, where it was rugged and mountainous, making it more conducive for guerrilla warfare.   Tigray 'blockaded'   Arhe Hamednaca, who took part in guerrilla wars against previous Ethiopian governments and went on to become an MP in Sweden, said the offensive in the west had also been aimed at securing the border with Sudan. He said this was vital - to prevent the TPLF from setting up bases there as it had done when it fought the Marxist regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam 29 years ago.  "The only way for the TPLF to escape and to get fresh supplies is through Sudan," he said. Furthermore, there is also no outlet to the Red Sea through Eritrea, as there was in the 1980s, when Eritrea forces were allied with the TPLF against Mengistu. Prime Minister Abiy has become a staunch ally of Eritrea's President Isaias Afwerki, who fought a bitter border war with the Ethiopia, when it was under TPLF control. "Times have changed. The TPLF's supply routes are not flowing, and to its north is President Isaias Afwerki's Eritrea, its principle enemy," BBC Tigrinya editor Samuel Ghebhrehiwet said.    More on the Tigray crisis:   Why Ethiopia is spiralling out of control The man at the heart of Ethiopia's Tigray conflict Marooned by conflict: 'My little brother needs medicine' Crisis has engulfed Ethiopia. Here’s what it means Several sources in Eritrea have told the BBC that Ethiopian troops have been crossing the border to regroup and to treat their wounded in military hospitals - though both governments deny Eritrean involvement in the Tigrayan conflict. "Tigray is blockaded. The TPLF cannot sustain a conventional war," Mr Davison said. But that doesn't necessarily mean that federal forces will have the quick victory they hope for. The BBC’s Anne Soy reports from a refugee camp on the Sudan-Ethiopian border Mr Arhe notes that there are numerous examples of guerrilla fighters taking on better armed opponents. "The Americans had all sorts of drones and fighter jets in Afghanistan, but the Taliban survived," he said. "The Houthi rebels in Yemen have survived UAE and Saudi weapon superiority." Mr Davison said that while federal troops were advancing towards Mekelle, it was unclear how many towns and cities they had actually taken control of along the way and how many they had just passed through.   Who will Tigrayans back?   Either way, many Tigrayan fighters may eventually retreat to villages and surrounding mountains to prepare for a guerrilla war that could receive significant public support, he added. "Though federal officials claim the opposite, many Tigrayans seem to oppose the intervention because they believe it is to remove a legitimately elected regional government," Mr Davison said. Getty Images There has been in a surge in Tigrayan nationalism in recent years Moreover, they generally support the federal system that the TPLF helped introduced after it took power in Addis Ababa in 1991, as the best way to protect their political, linguistic and cultural rights, he added. In contrast, the TPLF accuses Mr Abiy of trying to establish a more unitary type of government. The BBC's Tigrinya editor says that while a surge in Tigrayan nationalism could work in the TPLF's favour, the possibility that many people may instead back the federal government cannot be ruled out. "During the armed struggle [against Mengistu], the people of Tigray were fully behind the fighters. But in the nearly three decades that the TPLF has been in power, many Tigrayans objected to the leadership because of systemic corruption and oppression," Mr Samuel said. He believes that the outcome of the battle for Mekelle will determine whether or not the TPLF can wage a guerrilla war, but even if the Ethiopian military gains the upper hand, he does not envisage the conflict ending without proper negotiations between the different sides. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-55065229
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