Jump to content
களத்தில் உள்நுழையும் வழிமுறையில் மாற்றம் செய்யப்பட்டுள்ளது. மேலதிக விளக்கங்களிற்கு

எதிர்பார்ப்புக்கள்


Recommended Posts

  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

அளவிட முடியாத இவ்வுலகில் அளவற்ற உயிர்கள் பல அவ்வளவற்ற உயிர்களின் மனங்களின் அடக்க முடியாத எண்ணக் குவியல்களுக்குள் அடங்காமல் அன்புப் பூக்களாக பூக்கின்றன எதிர்பார்ப்புக்கள்!!!!!

ஆழ் மனதில் எவர் மீது ஆழமான அன்பு பூக்கள் பூத்ததோ அவர்களிடம் தான் ஆர்ப்பரித்து எழுகின்றன எமது சுயநலமும் கோபமும் கலந்த எதிர்பார்ப்புக்கள்!!!!!

எதையோ தேடுவதில் எமது மனதும் எதை மனம் தேடுகிறது என்ற தேடலில் நாமும் ஏற்கப்படாத அன்பில் கரைகின்றன காலங்கள் சிதைகின்றன ஆசைகள் வளர்கின்றன ஏமாற்றங்கள் கரைகின்றன எதிர்பார்ப்புக்கள்!!!!!

சந்திக்க முடிந்த பிரச்சனைகள் வாய்ப்புகளாகுகின்றன சந்திக்க முடியாத வாய்ப்புகள் பிரச்சனைகளாகுகின்றன சந்திக்க முடியாத வாய்ப்புக்களாலும் சந்தித்து முடித்த பிரச்சனைகளினாலும் ஏற்படுகின்றன எதிர்பார்ப்புக்கள்!!!!!

அன்பு பலப்படும் இடங்களில் பிரிவும் உண்டு அன்பானவர்கள் பலப்படும் இடங்களில் புரிதல் உண்டு அன்பும் புரிதலும் உண்டான இடங்களில் உருவாகுகின்றன எதிர்பார்ப்புக்கள்!!!!!

நடப்பவற்றைப் புரிந்து கொண்டாலும் நப்பாசையில் ஏதோ ஒன்றை நம்பிக்கையுடன் நடக்கும் என்று மனங்கள் நம்பிக் கொண்டு காத்திருக்கின்றன எதிர்பார்ப்புக்கள்!!!!!

  • Like 1
Link to comment
Share on other sites

  • கருத்துக்கள உறுப்பினர்கள்

வணக்கம் தமிழ்நிலா வாருங்கள்

எதிர்பார்ப்புகள் அதிகரிக்கும்போது ஏமாற்றங்கள் அதிகமாகும்.

Link to comment
Share on other sites

  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

அருமையான எண்ணப் பிரதிபலிப்பு..

Link to comment
Share on other sites

  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்
4 hours ago, வல்வை சகாறா said:

வணக்கம் தமிழ்நிலா வாருங்கள்

எதிர்பார்ப்புகள் அதிகரிக்கும்போது ஏமாற்றங்கள் அதிகமாகும்.

வணக்கம் சஹாரா

உண்மை தான் ...

மிக்க நன்றிகள்

7 minutes ago, மெசொபொத்தேமியா சுமேரியர் said:

அருமையான எண்ணப் பிரதிபலிப்பு..

மிக்க நன்றிகள்

Link to comment
Share on other sites

Join the conversation

You can post now and register later. If you have an account, sign in now to post with your account.

Guest
Reply to this topic...

×   Pasted as rich text.   Paste as plain text instead

  Only 75 emoji are allowed.

×   Your link has been automatically embedded.   Display as a link instead

×   Your previous content has been restored.   Clear editor

×   You cannot paste images directly. Upload or insert images from URL.




இங்கு எழுதப்படும் விடயம் பிரதிசெய்யப்பட்டு (copy)மேலுள்ள கட்டத்தில் ஒட்டப்பட வேண்டும் (paste)

  • Tell a friend

    Love கருத்துக்களம்? Tell a friend!
  • Topics

  • Posts

    • "The Eye of the Tiger" For the past 14 years Velupillai Pirabakaran has led an armed struggle to create a separate Tamil state in Sri Lanka's volatile north-eastern region. Pirabakaran, 32, commands the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), the strongest of Sri Lanka's numerous Tamil separatist groups. It is generally acknowledged that peace negotiations with Colombo are unlikely to prove effective without the LTTE's involvement. Last week, shortly before his group rejected Colombo's latest proposal for peace talks, Pirabakaran spoke with NEWSWEEK'S Sudip Mazumdar in Madras. Excerpts: Mazumdar: Your opponents often charge that innocent civilians are often killed in your military offensives. How do you respond? Prabhakaran: The LTTE has never killed any civilians. We condemn such acts of violence. There were occasions when we had to kill home guards. But they are not civilians. They are trained  non- combat draftees who carry guns. How many troops do you have under your command and where do they train? That's a secret. I can tell you we are strong enough to take on the51,000 strong Sri Lankan military and well enough equipped to carry on protracted guerrilla warfare. Why do you think LTTE has taken the lead among other groups? Discipline and order are most important. We emphasise personal morality and a sense of patriotism. Our cadres carry cyanide pills with them to avoid falling into en enemy hands. Most of all, the people are behind us. "We have imposed a strict moral code on ourselves, not to use even liquor. How can one suspect us of drug trafficking which we condemn?" Critics charge you that you rely on drug trafficking to raise money for your military activities. How do you respond? Our people support us financially. We capture arms and ammunition from the enemy and also buy them on the international market. We don't get support from any other country. Here in India we are living as political refugees and the government of India extends moral support to our existence here. We have imposed a strict moral code on ourselves, not to use even liquor. How can one suspect us of drug trafficking which we condemn? Press reports say that you received military training in Cuba. How did you manage to acquire your-how? Through sheer personal training. I use my natural instincts and I watch war films and westerns by [American movie actor] Clint Eastwood. If I were trained in Cuba, I would have been a better fighter. What is your assessment of the latest round of negotiations between moderate Tamils and the Sri Lankan government on evolution of power to Tamils? The proposals (put forward by Colombo) are insufficient even to start negotiations. We have enunciated four principles as the basis for talks: the traditional home land of the Tamils must be recognised; Tamils should be (officially) recognised as a (separate) nationality; their rights to self-determination should be recognised; and the civil rights of the stateless Tamils should be recognised.  A framework should be worked out incorporating these principles. Then we will consider [negotiations]. How serious do you think President Junius Jeyawardene is in solving the Tamil problem? This so-called peace initiative by Jayewardene is an at tempt to hoodwink the world. That these negotiations are eyewash is clear from the fact that even while the talks were on the military killed nearly150 innocent Tamils. Talks with Jayewardene? Possible, but only on the question of demarcation of our boundaries [as two separate nations]. Why do you think India allows you to operate from here? Purely on humanitarian grounds. There is genocide going on in Sri Lanka. India knows we are fighting against genocide and trying to protect our people. Opponents charge that India is abetting "terrorists" by giving you sanctuary, while New Delhi blames Pakistan for training Sikh terrorists? What is your view? There is a fundamental difference here. Our people are facing genocide where as the Indian Army is not committing genocide in Punjab. India favours a negotiated settlement of the ethnic problem and opposes your goal of a separate Tamil state. What is your view? The world is constantly changing; so is politics. We rely on the hope that changing circumstances will finally lead to India's recognition of our struggle. India has recognised various liberation movements. At a later stage India may be compelled to recognise us as it did the PLO and SWAPO. What do you expect from the United States? We want to appeal to the American people to realise that we are a nation of people facing genocide. And we appeal to the US government to stop all aid to the Sri Lankan government which will be used for the destruction of our people. "We want to establish a socialist society. Ours will be a unique socialist model, neither Soviet nor Chinese nor any other." What kind of a political system do you envisage for an independent Tamil state? We want to establish a socialist society. Ours will be a unique socialist model, neither Soviet nor Chinese nor any other. Have you ever considered calling for India's military intervention to stop what you call genocide? India's military intervention is not necessary because we have a fighting force capable of facing the military. In fact, India's intervention may allow other international forces to meddle in Sri Lanka, and create [chaos].     Courtesy: NEWSWEEK   11 August 1986
    • " It is the plight of the Tamil people that compelled me to take up arms. I felt outraged at the inhuman atrocities perpetrated against an innocent people." The ethnic conflict between the Tamils and the Sinhalese in Sri Lanka shows no sign of abating,. The Tamil militants, especially the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) seem determined to pursue their military tactics. Velupillai Prabhakaran, Military Commander of the LTTE who lives in the jungles of Jaffna, northern Sri Lanka, in a rare interview spoke to GENTLEMAN about the future of the strife- torn island. In a rare interview, the controversial freedom fighter spoke at length to JASVINDER SINGH. Excerpts: GENTLEMAN: What compelled you to take up arms? PRABHAKARAN: It is the plight of the Tamil people that compelled me to take up arms. I felt outraged at the inhuman atrocities perpetrated against an innocent people. The ruthless manner in which our people were murdered, massacred, maimed and the colossal damage done to their property made me realise that we are subjected to a calculated program of genocide. I felt that armed struggle is the only way to protect and liberate our people from a totalitarian Fascist State bent on destroying an entire race of people. GENTLEMAN: But don't you think that you could have expressed your grievances within the framework of parliamentary democracy and within the confines of a free press? PRABHAKARAN: The Tamil people have been expressing their grievances in Parliament for more than three decades. Their voices went unheard like cries in the wilderness. In Sri Lanka there is no parliamentary democracy where our people could effectively represent their aspirations. What passes as Parliament in Sri Lanka is an authoritarian rule founded on the tyranny of the majority. The Tamil representatives were finally banned from Parliament. There is no freedom of the press in Sri Lanka. The press is State controlled and is manned by chauvinistic journalists. The Tamils could not find any democratic institutions to air their grievances. GENTLEMAN: Did you also try to win popular support and that of the Sinhalese people? PRABHAKARAN: We do aspire to the support of the Sinhalese people. Our cause is fair and legitimate, but we are unable to mobilise the Sinhalese people in our favour because of the chauvinistic politicians and the Buddhist clergy who have been poisoning their minds against the Tamils. Yet we will continue to struggle to convince the Sinhalese people of the legitimacy of our cause. GENTLEMAN: Don't you think that the Sinhalese and the Tamil masses have the same socio-economic aspirations despite the present divide? PRABHAKARAN: Yes, that is true. Both the common Sinhala and Tamil masses are oppressed and exploited and they have similar socio-economic problems and aspirations. What divides them is the national conflict. The Sinhala ruling classes have generated this national contradiction to divide the Sinhala and Tamil masses to reinforce their political power GENTLEMAN: What were the conditions that influenced you to join the militant ranks? PRABHAKARAN: From a very young age I was told of horrifying stories of brutal atrocities committed against the Tamil people. During my student days I felt the racial discrimination directly. In my early youth I had a clear picture of the nature of State oppression, which was engulfing the Tamil nation. I then realised that to redeem our people one must organise an armed resistance movement. That is how I founded the Tiger movement and got involved in the armed struggle. GENTLEMAN: What is your family background and your relationship with your parents? Are you in touch with them? PRABHAKARAN: I come from a very ordinary family. My father was a government servant. I have two elder sisters who are now married and settled. From my very early youth, I was drawn into revolutionary politics and became "wanted" person. When I was 19 year old l left home and went underground Ever since I have lost contact with my parents. GENTLEMAN: You are normally projected as symbol of Tamil militancy. Even your own organisation projects you as a big  hero. As a radical how do you justify the individual hero worship? PRABHAKARAN: I cannot help this kind of projection and characterisation. l am only concerned with the political liberation and social emancipation of oppressed people. My people are aware of my commitment and trust me to lead them on the right path. That is why they show great affection. These projection may be expressions of people's love. GENTLEMAN: How do you assess the present situate in Sri Lanka? PRABHAKARAN: The present political situation in Sri Lanka is very critical. The Tamil nation is facing a genocide onslaught. The Sri Lankan Armed Forces are continuing their rampage on the Tamilian masses. Our people are subjected to massacres, mass arrests, arson, looting and rape. Thousands of them are uprooted from their traditional homelands and made refugees. Under the guise of a cease-fire, the Sri Lankan State has embarked on a policy of ruthless repression, military domination and annihilation of our people. The present chauvinistic Sinhala leadership has no genuine interest in bringing about a fair and just solution through peaceful negotiations, but is committed to militarily subjugating the Tamil people. Such a policy has made the pre sent, situation very critical and dangerous. GENTLEMAN: How do you view the present pace of negotiations between the Sri Lankan Government and the representatives of the Tamil people? PRABHAKARAN: The peace negotiations have been a futile exercise. This is a drama enacted by the Jayewardene Government to deceive the world. Although Jayewardene poses as a lover of peace, he does not desire a peaceful settlement. So far he has failed to offer any substantial proposals that would satisfy the political aspirations of our people. Under the facade of a peace process he has unleashed military terror aimed at the genocidal destruction  of our people . GENTLEMAN: Some time ago you charged that the Jayewardene Government utilised the cease-fire agreement to consolidate its military position. PRABHAKARAN: Certainly, under the guise of the cease-fire agreement, the Jayewardene Government embarked on a massive militaraisation programme. The Government is spending a huge amount of its national budget on building its military machinery. Lethal weapons of all sorts are being purchased on a large scale. The Government has introduced legislation for conscription. The whole Sinhala nation is being mobilised on a war footing. New Army camps have been constructed in the Tamil areas. Foreign mercenaries as well as Pakistan provide training to Sinhalese soldiers in counter-insurgency warfare. The massive military mobilisation clearly shows that Jayewardene is bent on a military solution rather than being committed to the peace process of a negotiated settlement. GENTLEMAN: The last time you came to Delhi you achieved a major political concession, in that the Sri Lankan Government agreed to constitute monitoring committees to investigate instances of cease-fire violations. Has the setting up of such communities helped to promote a more congenial atmosphere for controlling the violations? PRABHAKARAN: (Visibly irritated.) What monitoring committees are you talking about? Have they published a single report? Have they investigated a single instance of cease-fire violation by the rampaging armed thugs of J.R.'s regime? The truth is that he has bought more gunboats from Singapore to kill our fishermen. The truth is that while the talks are going on he is murdering more and more civilians. The Armed Forces, along with the Navy and the Air Force, have conducted military operations. GENTLEMAN: So for all practical purposes, do you think that the peace process has failed? PRABHAKARAN: Well, talks so far have failed to bear any positive results. GENTLEMAN: Does it mean that now there is no possibility of any negotiated settlement to the problem? PRABHAKARAN: It depends.. . GENTLEMAN: On India's position? PRABHAKARAN: In a sense, yes. GENTLEMAN: But are you optimistic that there is a chance of a negotiated settlement to the problem so as to avoid further bloodshed? PRABHAKARAN: Past experience and history show that J.R. won't come to a genuine settlement. He is staging this drama to show that he is a peaceful man. The Indian Government has not achieved the desired results because of the stringent attitude of the Jayawardene Government. In this atmosphere we have come to a dead end, but India might try to bring both sides together. India must try harder. GENTLEMAN: Did you say so to Romesh Bhandari during your talks with him? PRABHAKARAN: Yes, we did. GENTLEMAN: There was a press report some time ago that said militants had hacked some Sinhala civilians. What is your policy towards civilians in the armed conflict? PRABHAKARAN: There was no truth in those reports. They are spreading these lies to malign the liberation movement. We were not involved in the incidents of Namalwatte nor do we know if any of our fraternal organisations were involved. We have never touched civilians. It is only when they attack our people that we protect them. GENTLEMAN: I was once shown pictures of civilians allegedly attacked by the militants by the Public Relations Officer of the Sri Lankan high Commission in New Delhi. PRABHAKARAN: Look, they have got these Home Guard thugs who are armed and trained by the Armed Forces. They dress like civilians but are almost like death-squads let loose on Tamil civilians now and again-to loot, burn, destroy. In some cases we have attacked them. They look like civilians. In some areas there are Sinhalese-Tamil civilian conflicts. These conflicts take place when the Sinhalese are brought to the Tamil areas to forcibly occupy the land. Clashes do take place to protect the land. I know that the J.R. regime's propaganda managers use the pictures of such incidents to ,say that the militants have attacked the civilians. But they don't tell the truth. GENTLEMAN: So you have nearly agreed that the talks have come to a dead end and that till they are revived the chances of a peaceful settlement are very thin. In the interregnum, what will be your strategy? Are you planning to revive your guerrilla operations against the Armed Forces? PRABHAKARAN: There is no war at the moment. We only defend ourselves when we are attacked. We will never go on the offensive. GENTLEMAN: There were also some reports of the Sri Lankan Army's efforts to drive the Tamil peasants out of the Trincomalee districts and allow Sinhalese settlements in their place. What will be your stand if these reports are true? PRABHAKARAN: We have no other opt ion but to fight back. We will effectively fight back and foil their plans. GENTLEMAN: Are you satisfied with India's approach towards the Tamil problem and her role as a mediator between the two sides? PRABHAKARAN: As a mediator, India is making genuine efforts to bring about a settlement to the ethnic conflict through a peace dialogue. We are satisfied with India's approach but we are deeply dissatisfied with Jayawardene's approach. The arrogant and intransigent attitude of Jayawardene has become a stumbling block in India's sincere efforts to find a fair solution to the Tamil problem. GENTLEMAN: If that is so, why did the militant groups stage a walk-out in Thimbu? PRABHAKARAN: We staged a walk-out because of the escalation of military terror and genocide against our people. I think a similar situation still prevails in  Sri Lanka. GENTLEMAN: You have, time and again, said Tamil crisis in Sri Lanka affects the interests in the subcontinent. Do you say this only to muster support for your cause? PRABHAKARAN: What was once an internal conflict has now assumed dimensions of an international problem, which is causing grave concern to India.  In pursuing a ruthless policy of repressing the Tamil freedom movement, Sri Lanka  has been inducting into the foreign forces of subversion. The penetration of the Israeli intelligence agencies, the induction of British mercenaries, the involvement  of Pakistan and the massive militarisation  disturbed the peace and stability in the region. This dangerous development will certain the geo-political interests of India whose committed policy is to make Indian Ocean a zone of peace. . GENTLEMAN: What  role do you think the US administration is playing in the present conflict in  Sri Lanka? PRABHAKARAN: The US administration has strategic and geo- political interests in the region. Sri Lanka with its natural harbour in Trincomalee, is most strategically located in the Indian Ocean. The objective of the US imperialists is to gradually penetrate the country and eventually bring the island under its sphere of influence and domination. The escalating ethnic conflict has driven the Jayawardene Government to seek American assistance. The US has been directly helping Sri Lanka through her allies, i.e. Israel, Pakistan, South Korea and China. The US objective seems to be to perpetuate and escalate the ethnic crisis, so that she can gradually set foot on the island and establish a base in Trincomalee. GENTLEMAN: Do the socialist countries sympathise with your cause? PRABHAKARAN: Yes, they do sympathise with our cause. GENTLEMAN: What is your political philosophy and which guerrilla leader inspires you the most? PRABHAKARAN: Revolutionary socialism is my political philosophy. By socialism I mean the construction of an egalitarian society where there is no class contradiction and exploitation of man by man; a free, rational society where human freedom and rights are protected and progress enhanced. Che Guevara is the guerrilla leader who inspires me the most. GENTLEMAN: How do you classify the struggle of the Tamil people? PRABHAKARAN: I will categorise the struggle of the Tamil people as the struggle for the right to self determination. It is the struggle for political emancipation, a struggle to determine their own political destiny. GENTLEMAN: What is the historical background of the present ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka? PRABHAKARAN: The present ethnic conflict has a history of nearly four decades. Since the "independence" of the island from British colonial rule, the Sri Lankan ruling class adopted a disastrous policy of State repression against the Tamil people. The repression had the genocidal intent of destroying the ethnic identity of the Tamil nation. This calculated State oppression was directed against the very foundations of Tamil society - its language, culture, economic life and the traditional home land. It brought untold suffering to our people. Moreover, State-organised violence was let loose on our people, which erupted on the island periodically with huge loss of life and property. The holocaust of State terror still continues with unabated fury. At the initial stages, our people adopted peaceful forms of agitation based on the Gandhian principle of ahimsa. They organised satyagraha campaigns and disobedience movements to protest against State violence. For more than two decades, our people demanded a form of regional autonomy to secure our political rights. But our demands never found a sympathetic hearing. Agreements and pacts were abrogated by successive Sri Lankan governments. Instead of resolving the conflict by peaceful means, the Sri Lankan rulers adopted a ruthless policy of military repression. It was against this background of  mounting repression, at a time when our people had exhausted all forms peaceful political agitation, that the armed revolutionary struggle took birth in the early '70s. The Tiger movement was the pioneer of the armed resistance campaign and eventually became the vanguard of the national struggle. Our armed struggle has advanced the cause of our freedom, posed a serious challenge to the State and attracted international attention towards the Tamil issue. This, briefly, is the background our struggle. GENTLEMAN: What role did the Sinhalese politicians and the Buddhist clergy play in this crises? PRABHAKARAN: Both the Sinhalese politicians and the Buddhist clergy play a crucial role in creating this nation conflict. Politicians sow the seeds racism among the Sinhalese people simply to gain political power. The Buddhist clergy, on their part generated religious fanaticism an chauvinism. The Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinistic ideology became a powerful force, swaying the masses towards anti-Tamil politics and laying the foundation for the present crisis. GENTLEMAN: Whose interest does the present crisis serve? PRABHAKARAN: The present crisis serves the interest of the US imperialists and the Sinhala bourgeoisie. The consequences of this will certainly affect the geo-political interests of India in this region. GENTLEMAN: Despite the fact that all the Tamil groups are fighting for the cause of the Tamil people, one finds so much factionalism among them. How do you explain this phenomenon and what remedy do you suggest to improve the situation ? PRABHAKARAN: Ideological differences are a common phenomenon in every liberation struggle. Now the situation has improved since the formation of a United Front, the Eelam National Liberation Front (ENLF). GENTLEMAN: How did the split between you and Uma Maheswaran come about? PRABHAKARAN: In the present political circumstances, I do not wish to comment. about this matter. At this time, unity between liberation organisations is of paramount importance, it is ill-advised to discuss old problems. GENTLEMAN: Have the ideological differences, if there were any, been resolved between you  two? PRABHAKARAN: I think there is no point in doing a post-mortem of the past. Every body knows what happened. GENTLEMAN: Do you envisage the possibility of this group also joining the ENLF in the foreseeable future? PRABHAKARAN: The possibility is not ruled out (smiles) GENTLEMAN: There were reports that M G R was so alarmed by your popularity in Tamil Nadu that he felicitated Uma Maheswaran PRABHAKARAN: Actually, no such thing happened. GENTLEMAN: Why are the militants so allergic to the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF)? You have even charged them of being opportunists. PRABHAKARAN: The political opportunism of the TULF is a well- known factor. They are power hungry politicians who have been cheating our people due to their selfish political ambitions. In the 1977 general elections, they obtained a mandate from our people to struggle to establish an independent Tamil State, but never made any effort to fulfill the pledge. Rather, they sought to negotiate for meagre concessions. I would categorise this as gross betrayal and opportunism. GENTLEMAN: How do you view the attempts made by certain Tamil Nadu leaders to fan chauvinistic feelings? Do you think this sectarian attitude of Tamil Nadu leaders will harm your cause? PRABHAKARAN: We do not see them in that perspective. Tamil Nadu leaders are genuinely concerned about the plight of their Tamil brethren in neighbouring Sri Lanka. Whenever atrocities are committed against the Tamils by the Sinhala Army, the leaders of Tamil Nadu organise agitations to register their protest. There is a tremendous feeling of brotherhood and solidarity for the Tamil cause in Tamil Nadu. They feel that India should help to resolve the problem and save the Tamil people from genocide. GENTLEMAN: There have been reports from time to time that the militants are being trained in India and also that they have training camps here. What do you say about these reports? PRABHAKARAN: There is no truth in such reports. We don't have any camps in India. All our camps are on our own soil. GENTLEMAN: What role do you think India can play in finding an acceptable solution to the Tamil crisis? PRABHAKARAN: The people of India have been championing the cause of freedom of the oppressed people all over the world. The Indian people have a great tradition of upholding the principles of justice and humanism. They have supported the liberation struggles in Palestine, Namibia and South Africa. They recently recognised the Polisario freedom movement. I sincerely hope that the people of India will support a liberation struggle in their neighbourhood and recognise the right to self-determination of the people of Tamil Eelam.   Courtesy: 'THE WEEK'   magazine, India "3 March 1986
    • " The chances of attaining Eelam are bright because the people's determination is firm. We are prepared for a long-drawn struggle (to attain Eelam)." FRONTLINE: How were you attracted to the liberation movement? What were the factors that impelled you to take up this cause? Pirabakaran: It is a long story. When I was young. my parents used to talk a lot at home against the 1958 racial riots directed against the Tamils in which many people were affected. This affected me. I used to read a lot of books which came from Madras, including magazines like Ananda Vikatan, Kalki, Kumudam, etc. All magazines used to run stories on India's freedom struggle, which used to fascinate me. Besides, books like Mahabharata, which says that good will vanquish evil, left a deep impress on me. When I was studying in school. I used to receive private tuition from a master called Home-Guard V. Navarathinam, who had left the Tamil Federal Party. The youth of the Federal Party also followed suit. He used to talk to us on the various world movements, how nothing can be accomplished by parliamentary means, etc. I was 15years old then and I got the feeling that we also should hit back and that we should have a separate country of our own. Q: What is the LTTE's ideology? Unlike other organisations, the LTTE began as a military outfit and later acquired Marxist-Leninist leanings. Some organisations like the EPRLF began as a "communist party" and later added a military wing. A: We had an ideology from the beginning that was to form a socialistic State. If we did not give shape to that ideology, it was because we (LTTE) got straightway into the struggle. Q: What is your outlook on Eelam, towards the struggle, the experiences of your sufferings? Do you think you can achieve Eelam? A: The chances of attaining Eelam are bright because the people's determination is firm. We are prepared for a long-drawn struggle (to attain Eelam). Q: The LTTE's general style of operation seems to be to indulge in hit-and run tactics. But after a hit-and-run attack, the Army turns on the Tamil civilians. For example, it is widely believed that your ambushing and killing the 13 soldiers presaged the 1983 riots against the Tamils. Other liberation organisations like the PLO and the IRA do not indulge in hit -and-run tactics. Further, they have expanded their base among the people. Have you expanded your base? A: For the PLO. there is no room for adopting hit-and-run tactics because they are fighting from a foreign soil. The IRA is fully indulging in hit-and-run operations. But the British Army does not attack the civilians. But, we work with a lot of hardship in terms of finance and the resistance from (Sri Lankan) military. Yet, in Jaffna and other places, we have controlled the Army and we have made them into liberated zones. This was because, there is no gap between the people and us. In Jaffna, and in Nilaveli at Trincomalee. These areas are under our control. There is no Government control. We are running the civil administration. This means, we have gone a step above the hit-and-run methods. Even though we adopted hit-and-run methods in the beginning. gradually, we have not allowed the troops to come in and as time goes on, it will become a mass struggle. Right now, in places like Jaffna. it has become a mass struggle. Besides, we are running a guerrilla force. Out of several tactics in guerrilla warfare, one is hit-and-run. In the initial development of the LTTE. we did hit-and-run operations. But now, after an attack, we give protection to the people. The Sri Lankan Government attacks the people because we are close to the people and also it does it to create a gap between the people and us. Without people's support. We would have been betrayed and our movement would not have been there. Q: To go back, have you expanded your base among the people. Like have you established trade unions, etc.? A: Outwardly. we don't have trade unions. In all places, the LTTE's base has expanded. Q: What is your attitude towards the Government of India, its efforts to bring about a solution to the crisis? Is it pressuring you to accept a solution? A: Till now, we have not been pressured. At the same time, the Government of India is trying to solve the problem through talks. But our history shows that nothing can be solved through talks. Yet. We have to support the Government of India's efforts and so, we are taking part in the talks. But at the same time, the Sri Lankan Government has not, so far. arrived at any worthwhile solution. For example, it is violating the cease-fire and it has not properly implemented it' There should be peace as a prelude to talks (with the Sri Lankan Government). Everyday they are killing us. Q: Supposing, all the Tamil liberation organisations are asked to go out of India, what will you do? A: All our important training bases are in Sri Lanka. We are here only to expose the political situation there. We are prepared to go back to our country any time. As the Sri Lankan Government accuses us, we do not have any training bases or anything here. All our training bases, recruitment, are all done in our country. These problems can never affect us. Q: Recently, you went on a tour of Tamil areas of Sri Lanka and you also met your regional commanders. How is the morale of your cadres and what is the situation there? A: There is only progress (increasing determination). There is no retardation in the struggle. There is a feeling dominant among the people that instead of slowly dying in batches. it is better to fight and die together. Our boys.. comrades.. are closer to the people. As a result, they are strong and firm. There cannot be any talk on morale because as long as there is one soldier (in the LTTE), they will fight for our ideal (to achieve Eelam). Till there is a last comrade. we will fight for our independence..... liberation. Q: Do you think anything will come out of the talks (with the Sri Lankan Government)? A: We don't have faith. We know the history of the last 30 years and Jayewardene's history also. Even common people do not have any faith(that anything will come out of the talks). When the Government of India invites us for talks.........it gives us political support...For its satisfaction. we are participating. But the results are in Jayewardene's hands. I don't have faith that he will put forward something (viable proposals). Q: What do you think of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's approach and also of Foreign Secretary Romesh Bhandari? A: As far as Rajiv Gandhi's approach is concerned, he thinks he can solve this through peaceful means. viz., talks. Destruction is certain through struggle. He wants to minimise the scale of destruction and is trying to solve the problem. When it is a struggle, it will belong- drawn. Even the refugee problem will be there for the Government of India. So. Rajiv Gandhi wants to solve it through peaceful means. But Jayewardene is falsifying such efforts. Romesh Bhandari's approach..... He is a representative of the Government of India. On behalf of the Prime Minister. he is trying hislevel best to solve the problem through peaceful means. But till now, Jayewardene has not implemented even the terms and conditions of the cease-fire. So. Romesh Bhandari has not succeeded even in cease-fire efforts. Q: What is your assessment of the Thimpu talks, the proposals offered by the Sri Lankan Government? A: There cannot be talks till prevails. The Thimpu talks made the people hate us. If the Sri Lankan Government is not keen on a peaceful atmosphere, how can you believe that it will implement the proposals offered? Q: There is a belief that there is not much democracy either in your organisation or other Tamil militant organisations. Is it true? A: You should ask our organisation's members that question. We have given them so much of freedom. There is no problem like that. Q: What is your attitude towards to TULF, the PLOT and other ENLF organisations? A: They are also fighting for liberation like us.   Courtesy: 'Frontline' magazine, India 30 December 1985
    • " We are Prepared to Pay for Freedom With Our Lives " Q: Why did you choose to go underground? A: I did not leave with the intention of going under ground. I had to attend to some work in my country. I had to discuss certain matters relating to the peace talks with my lieutenants. I also had to assess for myself the situation and reaction in the Tamil areas. While I was there certain incidents took place (referring to the deportation of A. S. Balasingham, official spokes man of the LTTE) so I continued to remain there. Q: What is the reaction of your lieutenants to the cease-fire? A: The cease-fire is a drama. Under its guise, the Sri Lankan armed forces are continuing to perpetrate atrocities against our people, massacres are still going on, Tamils are still being driven out of their homes. If it is a true cease-fire, our lieutenants will be happy. We followed the cease fire in letter and spirit and stopped all our guerrilla operations. But the Sri Lankan armed forces continued to attack civilians, forcing us to retaliate. I find I have to handle the present situation very carefully. The cease-fire itself is a farce and I also have to handle my lieutenants, who know only too well that it is a drama where the Sri Lanka government is covertly going ahead with its genocide of the Tamils! Q: Why did you choose to go under ground when Balasingham was de ported? A: I could have come back immediately. But I wanted to express my resentment at the deportation order. Q: You continued to remain inaccessible even when Rajiv Gandhi summoned the ENLF leaders. Don't you think your inaccessibility has strained relations between the government of India and you? A: But I wished to convey my dissatisfaction also, as I strongly felt that the deportation order was unnecessary. Q: Then what made you surface again ? A: There were many reasons. First, because I was underground there were some negative forces, certain anti-liberation forces which in my absence were trying to portray us as dangerous terrorists who were opposed to the peace talks. Second, there was an attempt to isolate and single us out as hard-liners who wanted only a military solution. Rumours were being floated in the public and in some newspapers which started giving grossly exaggerated and distorted news about us, painting us as dangerous terrorists. Third, the Sri Lankan Government was exploiting my absence and blaming the LTTE for having killed the TULF ex-MPs. Q: What do you hope will come out of your meeting with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi? A: We hope to explain our problem clearly to him. Among the issues we want to raise with him is the fact that Jayewardene is using the cease-fire as a front while he goes about systematically massacring the Tamils. We want to try and convince him that what is going on in Sri Lanka is genocide of a race. We want to give him details of what exactly is going on in Sri Lanka even though there is supposed to be a cease-fire. We also want to highlight the fact that the Sri Lanka government has so far not put forward genuine, meaningful set of proposals. So far we have had contacts with the Indian Prime Minister only through third parties. We want to meet him directly so that we can clear a lot of misunderstandings and suspicions. Q: Do you think the PM will be sympathetic? A: I trust he will be. Q: Do you feel that in the last three months the Indian government's attitude towards the militants has hardened? A: In the beginning I did not think so but after Balasingham was de ported I am inclined to believe that the attitude has hardened. Q: What do you think has caused this change in the Indian government's stance? A: I don't know what has caused this change. Perhaps, some international crisis or pressure is responsible. It is not possible for us to ascertain immediately as to what has caused this change, but with time I am sure the reasons will come out. Q: Do you think that India has become more pro-Sri Lanka? A: So far we have not thought along those lines. But certain incidents create doubts in our minds. Q: Why did you not respond immediately to Mr. Gandhi's summons when Thimphu II talks had failed? A: Though both the LTTE delegates had come away, one delegate of the other groups was kept back in Thimphu. India wanted the ENLF leaders in Delhi so that they could somehow resume the peace talks. But when massacres were going on in Vavuniya and Trincomalee, isn't it a mockery that we, who are supposed to defend our people, are engaged in peace talks? When there is no sense of responsibility on the part of the Sri Lanka government to adhere strictly to the cease-fire regulations peace talks become meaningless. The Sri Lanka government gave no assurances that such massacres will not recur. In the circumstances we decided not to terminate the talks. Q: Did the LTTE kill the two TULF ex-MP's? The Indian intelligence agencies are positive that you were responsible. A: We are not responsible for the killing. What can we do if Indian intelligence agencies make such claims? Immediately after it took place, we denied the claim made by the Sri Lanka government that we were responsible. The ENLF also issued a denial. Even if the Indian intelligence agencies claim that we are responsible the people in Jaffna know that we have not done it. Maybe the Indian intelligence agencies have assumed that we did it without any evidence. Because I had gone underground they may have come to such conclusions. If we had done it, we would have claimed responsibility, giving our reasons for doing it. We undertake an operation only on the basis of our conviction. So, if we had done it we would not have gone about hiding the fact. For instance, when we shot Alalasundaram (the ex-TULF MP who was killed recently had earlier been shot in the leg by the LTTE) we claimed we had done it. We did not kill him because we thought it was unnecessary. We punished him for his anti-social activities: he had a hand in the cooperative fraud. We produced evidence of his embezzlement. Incidentally, a lot of the documents exposing his nefarious activities were set ablaze on the cooperative premises. We also claimed responsibility when we shot Anandarajah (principal of St. John's School in Jaffna). When the Sri Lanka government announced a reward of Rs. five lakhs for information leading to the arrest of his killers, the people of Jaffna came to know the basis of his relationship with the Sri Lanka government. They kept quiet fully understanding why we had killed him. Anandarajah was planning to hold a cricket match with the armed forces at a time when they were killing our people, arresting young Tamil boys indiscriminately, burning Tamil property and raping Tamil women. We had to do away with him because the government was using the impending cricket match as propaganda to give the impression to the world that the Tamil civilians have very cordial relations with the Sri Lanka armed forces and that the ethnic problem is something created by a handful of militants. Q: Could not the ex-TULF MPs have been killed by some rebel LTTE members? A: Absolutely not. Nothing happens in the LTTE without my permission. About the killing I want to say something. I met TULF leaders and assured them that we had not done this killing and that they need not worry about facing such consequences from us. I told them that just because we had shot Alalasundaram some time ago, it did not mean that we were against the TULF. However, I pointed out to them that the gap between them and the younger generation was widening most alarmingly. The younger generation look upon them as betrayers who have given up the struggle for Eelam. The gap is widening all the more because they are not in Eelam facing the people. They have been completely isolated from the realities in Eelam. So, as long as they remain isolated from the Tamil people, they are likely to face such drastic action from the younger generation. The reality is that if I were to give up the Eelam struggle I would face similar action from them. Q: You mean to say that the younger generation is even more committed to Eelam? A: The incidents in Eelam show that a Eelam, a separate state, is the only solution. After facing so many genocidal attacks, the Tamils realise there is no solution other than Eelam for them if they are to live in peace I and security. Q: Apparently the killing of the TULF MPs, for which the LTTE was held responsible, has hardened Mr. Gandhi. In fact, he did not rescind the deportation order on Balasingham even though he had been on the verge of doing so... A: We have no connection with the killing. If the Indian government does not rescind the orders because it assumes that we killed the TULF' MPs, then it is its mistake. There is no point in punishing us. They should punish the agency that is really guilty so that such incidents do not occur again. Q: What was your reaction when Balasingham was deported? A: We had cooperated so much with the Indian government, so when it happened we felt we had been wronged. The incident has created a certain amount of bitterness between us and them. Q: How would you define your relationship with Balasingham? A: He is our political advisor. As a true patriot, he reflects the national sentiments of our people. Q: Why did India deport Balasingham? A: India has said that he was deported in "public interest." But the reason appears to be farcical.   Courtesy: 'SUNDAY' magazine, India 29 September -5 October 1985
    • "If Jayewardene was a true Buddhist, I would not be carrying a gun" Velupillai Pirabakaran, leader of the Liberation Tigesr for Tamil Eelam, tells Anita Pratap.   Q: What made you opt out of a conventional system and spearhead a liberation movement which you knew would be outlawed? A: The democratic parliamentary system, or what you refer to as the conventional political system in Sri Lanka, has always tried to impose the will of the majority on the minority. This system not only failed to solve the basic problems of our people but, in fact, aggravated our plight. For decades, the repression by the state has made the life of our people miserable. The non-violent democratic struggles of our people were met with military repression. Our just demands were totally ignored, and the oppression continued on  such a scale as to threaten the very survival of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. It was these circumstances which led me to form our liberation movement. I felt that an armed struggle was the only alternative left to our people, not only to ensure our survival but ultimately to free' our selves from the Sinhala oppression. I have always been aware that our movement would be outlawed. It is for this reason that we organised our movement as a clandestine under ground structure from its inception. Q: Could you elaborate on some of your personal experiences that compelled you to believe that an armed struggle was the only solution for the Tamils of Sri Lanka? Were you, your family members and friends, directly victimised by the discriminatory policy of the Sri Lankan government? A: The shocking events of the 1958 racial riots had a profound impact on me when I was a schoolboy. I heard of horrifying incidents of how our people had been mercilessly and brutally put to death by Sinhala racists. Once I met a widowed mother, a friend of my family, who related to me her agonising personal experience of this racial holocaust. During the riots a Sinhala mob attacked her house in Colombo. The rioters set fire to the house and murdered her husband. She and her children escaped with severe burn injuries. I was deeply shocked when I saw the scars on her body. I also heard stories of how young babies were roasted alive in boiling tar. When I heard such stories of cruelty I felt a deep sense of sympathy and love for my people. A great passion overwhelmed me to redeem my people from this racist system. I strongly felt that armed struggle was the only way to confront a system which em ploys armed might against unarmed, innocent people. Q: At what point of time did you lose faith in the parliamentary system? What precipitated this disillusionment? A: I entered politics at a time-in the early Seventies-when the younger generation had already lost faith in parliamentary politics. I entered politics as an armed revolutionary. What precipitated the disillusionment in parliamentary politics was the total disregard and callousness of the successive governments towards the pathetic plight of our people. Q: How did you come to start the Liberation Tiger movement? A: I originally formed the movement with a group of dedicated youths who sincerely believed that armed struggle was the only way to liberate our people. Q: What was the reason for identifying yourselves as 'Tigers'? A: I named the movement 'Liberation Tigers' since the tiger emblem had deep roots in the political history of the Tamils, symbolising Tamil patriotic resurgence The tiger symbol also depicts the mode of our guerrilla warfare. Q: When you decided to form the 'Liberation Tigers', what was the reaction of your family members and those close to you? A: As soon as the Tiger movement was formed, I went underground and lost contact with my family. Q: When did you last meet your family members? Are they reconciled to your outlawed existence? A: I have not seen my family members for the last 11 years. I do not think they regard me as an ordinary person leading an ordinary life.They are reconciled to my existence as a guerrilla fighter. Q: After 14 years of struggle, do you think you are any closer to achieving your goal? A: After all these years of struggle I feel that we are advancing towards our goal. The '83 July holocaust has united all sections of the Tamil masses. There is a massive support for the armed liberation program of our movement. This is certainly a step towards our goal. Q: On what way have the experiences of the past 12 years changed you as a person? A: These years of struggle have strengthened my determination and sharpened my vision. Q: Till now what has been your most rewarding experiences? A: It is difficult for me to identify a particular experience as rewarding. The life of a guerrilla fighter is full of experience: experiences of sorrow, happiness, frustration: each of which brings its own rewards. "Nature is my friend. Life my philosopher and history is my guide." Q: The experience over the years must have changed your outlook. What are some of the dominant impressions and convictions that you gained by virtue of this experience? Moreover your experiences would have convinced you of the inefficacy of certain principles and theories in practical situations, whole at the same time bringing home the validity of yet others. Can you pinpoint some of them? A: Twelve years of experience has convinced me beyond doubt that the armed revolutionary path we under took was the correct one. The other liberation groups who criticised our armed strategy as terrorism have now realised that armed struggle is the only way out for the emancipation of our oppressed people. Moreover the guerrilla warfare has been an effective form of struggle. Several successful guerrilla raids have convinced our people that the Sinhala forces can be defeated and freedom can be won. Q: Who is your friend, philosopher, and guide? A: Nature is my friend. Life my philosopher and history is my guide. Q: How does it feel to be the most wanted man in Sri Lanka today? A: An Irish leader once remarked that when the British indict a personas a terrorist it implied that he was a true Irish patriot. Similarly when the Sri Lanka government refers to me as the most wanted man it means that I am a true Tamil patriot. Hence I feel proud to be  indicted as a wanted man. Q: Which was your most frustrating moment of your life? A: I cannot pinpoint such a moment in my life. But the most frustrating aspect has been the betrayal of some of my trusted friends: those who pretended to be sincere to the cause. Bet turned out to be self seeking opportunists. Q: How did the split between you and Uma Maheshwaran come about? A: I do not approve the formulation of the question In fact. the issue should not he viewed as a conflict or split between me and Uma Maheshwaran. It was a problem between all individual and the Tiger movement. I am in no way responsible for the problem. It was Maheshwaran who created the issue. A leader of a revolutionary movement should commit himself totally to the discipline of the organisation. If a leader violates the basic rules and principles then there will be chaos and the organisation will crumble. Uma Maheshwaran violated the rules of our movement and as a disciplinary action he was expelled by the central committee. Being the founder of the movement and the person who appointed Maheshwaran as the chairman I had no other alternative but to uphold the decision of the central committee. Q: Today one finds that there are several Eelam liberation groups. Invariably they work at cross-purposes. When the goal is the same, should not there be a unification process? After all, there is more to be gained by using your combined strength against the common enemy. In principle, are you opposed to the rival groups uniting? A: I have clearly and explicitly stated that I am in favor of such unity moves. I even wrote to these groups on 5 September 1982welcoming the idea and suggested that we all prepared to form a united front of all other liberation groups, shed their differences and work out a common program of action. But. unfortunately, these groups failed to formulate a common working program. Instead, at every unity meeting they fought against each other and fail apart. The tragedy is that these groups have no sincere intentions to unite and there is a wide gap between their words and their deeds. I sincerely feel that these groups should set an example by forging unity among themselves rather than blaming the Tigers for their disunity. Once they unite we are prepared to join hands with them.   "I am not alone. I lead a powerful national movement and a wide section of the Tamil masses support me." Q: Spokesmen of rival groups have told me that all except you are open to the idea of uniting. Is this true? A: This is absolutely untrue. It is only a propaganda by other groups to undermine our movement. Q: Are you alone in the struggle? A: I am not alone. I lead a powerful national movement and a wide section of the Tamil masses support me. Q: Do you experience moments of loneliness? And if you do. how do you combat it? A: I have never felt lonely at any point of time. Loneliness is only a problem with those who are buried in their own individual egos. A true revolutionary transcends individuality and develops a collective, social consciousness. I live and struggle for a common collective cause. Q: Do you have any regrets about not leading a normal life? A: There are millions who, as you put it, lead a normal, ordinary existence. But we are fighting for a cause, for a noble ideal which gives us a profound spiritual satisfaction.   Q: Are you worried over the fact that most Tamil youths face a bleak future in Sri Lanka? A: The youths are fighting a battle for freedom. I foresee a bright future for them.   Q: Is it true that more and more Tamil ,youths are taking part in the liberation struggle? A: Yes, more and more youths are joining the revolution under our leadership since they have realised that armed struggle is the only way to redeem themselves and their society. Q: How would you defend your movement from being called a "separatist" one. and that you all are not freedom fighters but "terrorists"? A: It is wrong to call our movement "separatist". We are fighting for independence based on the right to national self determination of our people. Our struggle is for self determination, for the restoration of our sovereignty in our homeland. We are not fighting for a division or separation of a country but rather, we are fighting to uphold the sacred right to live in freedom and dignity. In this sense, we are freedom fighters not terrorists. Q: Would you rather die than be caught by the Sinhalese army? A: I would prefer to die in honour rather than being caught alive by the enemy. Q: The Liberation Tiger for Tamil Eelam (LTTE) staged the 23 July 1983ambush in which 13 Sinhalese soldiers were killed. The ambush was allegedly the reason for the Sinhalese retaliation on innocent Tamils. Did you expect such a massive retaliation? A: The July violence should not be assessed simply as a Sinhala retaliation for the guerrilla ambush. This view is a gross oversimplification of the event. The island has been plagued with anti-Tamil racial violence which erupts periodically over the years. There were violent racial holocausts even before the emergence of our movement. Violent riots erupted in Trincomalee a couple of weeks before the ambush. Therefore, the phenomenon of anti-Tamil racial violence cannot be traced to a single event. We are engaged in a protracted guerrilla warfare. There has been several guerrilla raids, several ambushes,, and we have killed several Sinhala soldiers and policemen The July ambush was only a part of the warfare we are engaged in. It is incorrect to assume that one particular military operation has precipitated the entire violence. The July riots, you would have certainly observed, was not aimed at the physical extermination of our people but it was also aimed the destruction of the economic power base of the Tamils in Colombo. Our view is that the July holocaust was a pre-planned. well- orchestrate genocidal pogrom against the Tamils, carried out by the racial elements of the ruling party. Initially, these racist elements did attempt to put the whole blame on the Tiger. Then, suddenly they blamed the left parties for the riots. But in actual fact, it is the racist leaders of the present government who should be the responsibility for this tragic loss of life and property of our people. Q: Why did you stage the July ambush? There are various versions afloat. According to some, it was an act of reprisal as four Tamil woman had been raped. Based on my investigations I felt that ,you had to prove a point to the Sinhalese army who were jubilant over the death of your close associate, Charles Anthony, leader of the military wing on 15. July. The point, I guess that you had to assert was that the LTTE despite the loss of one of its ablest leaders was still strong and capable of take on the Sinhalese army. Is this theory correct? A: There is an element of truth your findings about Charles Anthony and the ambush. The attack was partly a retaliation, a punishment the Sinhala army. But still we feel that the lives of 13 soldiers cannot compensate the life of a great revolutionary and freedom fighter like Charles. The ambush was also a part of the guerrilla warfare directed against the enemy. Q: Do you think that the round table negotiations will lead to the formulation of a permanent settlement? A: I am of the opinion that the round table conferences will not bring about a permanent settlement to the Tamil issue. Our view is based on the experience of several decades. The Sinhala leaders never made a sincere attempt to resolve the Tamil issue. The present negotiations will also meet the same fate All the major Sinhala parties and the Buddhist organisations are opposed to granting any form of regional autonomy to the Tamils. They are even opposed to giving minor concessions. Hence nothing substantial will emerge from this conference. Q: Do you hold the TULF (Tamil. United Liberation Front) leaders responsible for retarding the liberation struggle? Do you view them a betrayers? A: It is true that the opportunistic politics of the TULF is retarding the liberation struggle. They have never taken any concrete steps to further the struggle. On the contrary they give false hopes, create illusions, and try to keep our people in perpetual bondage. They entered politics only to further their selfish ends. They never had any sincere intentions to liberate our oppressed people, nor did they ever put forward any concrete programme of political action. They never expected that they would be caught in the storm of a liberation struggle. The flame of a revolution is fast spreading all over Tamil Eelam. But the TULF leaders are trying their best to smother the fire. In this sense you can term the TULF leaders as betrayers. "I think that the government of India should recognise the fair and legitimate demands of our people and accept our right to self determination." Q: Is it true that the TULF leaders are afraid to go to their home town and stay there not because of the Sinhalese but because of the Tigers? A: They are frightened not of the Tigers, but of the fury of the people who voted them to power on the promise of an independent state for the Tamils. Q: Do you think that India's good offices will result in anything tangible? A: India's efforts have given a positive hope to our people. But I do not think that the Sinhala racist government will utilise India's offer to resolve the problems of the Tamils. Q: Ideally, what should India do in such a situation to help the Tamils? A: I think that the government of India should recognise the fair and legitimate demands of our people and accept our right to self determination. Q: Would you suggest military intervention ? A: We have the courage, confidence and determination to fight and win our freedom. We should fight and free ourselves. But we do need India's support and sympathy. Q: What is your personal assessment of President Jayewardene? A: If Jayewardene was a true Buddhist, I would not be carrying a gun Q: What do you think is Jayewardene's intention behind holding these negotiations? Is he buying time? A: There are several reasons behind holding these peace negotiations. Firstly, Jayewardene wants to appease the Indians. Secondly, he wants to restore the colossal damage the riots have done to the image of the country. Thirdly, it would help him to seek financial aid from western agencies. Fourthly, the President wants to buy time to build up the Sinhala military machine. Q: Is President Jayewardene a prisoner in the hands of the hawks in his cabinet or is he acting on his own? Is he being pressurised by the Buddhist clergy? A: Jayewardene is acting on his own. He has supreme powers. The hawks in the cabinet and the Buddhist clergy are behind him. Q: What is the role of the Buddhist clergy in Sri Lanka? A: The Buddhist clergy has played a dominant role in shaping the political trends in Sri Lanka. They have played a crucial role in whipping up anti-Tamil feelings among the Sinhala people. Q: Do you think that the Buddhist clergy is well on its way to establishing Sri Lanka as a Sinhala Buddhist nation ? A: Sri Lanka is already a Sinhala Buddhist nation and the Buddhist clergy has contributed a lot for this cause. Q: Is it the result of the Buddhist clergy's chauvinism or is it the result of a natural alignment following the Catholic clergy's association with the Tamils.? A: The Buddhist clergy's chauvinism has played a significant role in the establishment of a racist state system. Sections of the Tamil Catholic clergy sympathise with the Tamil cause but the Sinhala Catholic clergy displays strong Sinhala national chauvinism and are opposed to the Tamil demands. Q: Do you have ties with other liberation movements of the world? Which are the organisations who provide training and arms to the LTTE? A: We have ties with other world liberation movements. I cannot answer the second part of your question. Q: Which country in the world has proved to be most sympathetic to your cause? A: I do not wish to comment on this matter. Q: What is your ideological commitment? A: Revolutionary socialism. Q: Do you expect attacks on the Tamils in the future? A: Yes, I do. The forces of racism and fascism are actively working against the Tamils in Trincomalee and Vavuniya. Tamils will never be safe until they establish an independent state of Tamil Eelam with a powerful patriotic army to protect their life and property Q: Is it true that Israelis are training Sinhalese army men on the techniques of anti-guerrilla warfare? A: So far we haven't got any confirmed reports about the presence of Israeli military experts in Sri Lanka. If the reports are true I won't be surprised. Sri Lanka is turning into a base for US imperialism and its agents. Whoever the trainers are or whatever their expertise maybe. the Sinhala army cannot crush the will and determination of the Tigers. We have a great moral power. a supreme sense of sacrifice, and a noble cause. Q: What is you r reaction to the alleged heavy induction of arms and ammunition from the United States to Sri Lanka? A: Induction of US arms is not only a threat to the Tamil freedom movement but also to India's national security. America's objective as you will certainly be aware. is not simply confined to helping the Sri Lankan army to crush the Tamil liberation struggle. Their ultimate aim is to secure a naval base at Trincomalee. Such a happening will convert the Indian Ocean into a war zone, and will increase the tension prevalent in the region. Q: If and when Eelam is achieved what sort of a nation do you conceive it to be? A: Tamil Eelam will be a socialist state. By socialism I mean an egalitarian society where human freedom and individual liberties will be guaranteed, where all forms of oppression and exploitation will be abolished. It will be a free society where our people will have maximum opportunity to develop their economy and promote their culture. Tamil Eelam will be a neutral state, committed to non- alignment and friendly to India. respecting her regional policies, particularly the policy of making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. Q: In your estimate how long will it take to achieve this Eelam? A: There cannot be a blueprint or a time limit for a freedom struggle. Everything depends on the situation in our homeland and happenings on the international scene. Courtesy: Sunday Magazine,  India 11-17 March 1984
×
×
  • Create New...

Important Information

By using this site, you agree to our Terms of Use.