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மட்டக்களப்பு எல்லையில் நடப்பது என்ன? தொடர்ச்சியாக தாக்கப்படும் தமிழர்கள்- வேடிக்கை பார்க்கும் அரசு


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16 hours ago, கற்பகதரு said:

என்ன, என்னை உங்களுக்கு அடையாளமே தெரியவில்லையா? என்னைப்பற்றி நித்தியானந்தாவுக்கு சிஷ்யைகள் அள்ளிவைக்க, அவர் என்னை கைலாசாவை விட்டு கலைத்துவிட்டபின் இவரின் சீடராகிவிட்டேன்.😃 இவரைப்பற்றி அறிந்துகொள்ள இதோ:

ஆ...அப்படியா!!!!!! :cool:

நான் இவரை வைத்து உங்கள் அதி மேன்மையை தவறாக கருதி விட்டேன். மன்னித்தருளுங்கள்.😎

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மிகச் சரியான கருத்து. நாம் பலமாக இருப்பது என்பது எல்லோரும் ஒற்றுமையாக ஒரு குடைக்குள் நிற்பது என்பதல்ல. அது வீண்முயற்சி நாம் பலமாவது என்பது நாம் ஒவ்வொருவரும் எமது இனத்தை பலமானதாக்க என்ன செய்ய

தனி, ரதி அக்காச்சி, நான் கீழே எழுத போவதற்கு அட்வான்ஸ் மன்னிப்புகள். உங்களை பார்க்க உண்மையிலே கவலையாக உள்ளது. இனவாத நில ஆக்கிரமிப்புக்கு எதிராக திருவாளர்கள் முரளிதரன், சந்திரகாந்தன், விய

வர்த்தமானியில் அறிவிக்கப்படாதவரைக்கும் இப்பிரச்சினை தீரப்போவதில்லையாம் , ஒன்று (முதலமைச்சராக வருபவர் தேர்தல் நடந்தால்)  அறிவிக்கலாம் மேய்ச்சல் தரையென, மற்றது கிழக்கு மாகாண ஆளுநர் அறிவிக்க வேண்டும், ந

  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்
23 hours ago, குமாரசாமி said:

எனக்கு தெரியும்.:cool:

கருணா தனது கட்சி சம்பந்தப்பட்டவர்களுக்கே வேலை வாய்ப்புக்கள் மற்றும் உதவிகளை செய்கின்றார்.
அதே போல் வட பகுதியில் இருக்கும் அரசியல் அதிகாரம் பெற்றவர்கள் தாம் சார்ந்தோருக்கே சகல வசதிகளையும் உதவிகளையும் செய்து வருகின்றார்கள்.
ஆனால் மேடைப்பேச்சுக்களில் மட்டும் தமிழ் தமிழினம் என கதறுவார்கள்.

ங்கள் சொன்னால் சரியாய்த் தான் இருக்கும்🙂 இதற்கெல்லாம் உங்களோடு சண்டை பிடித்து ஏன் நேரத்தை வேஸ்ட் பண்ணுவான் ...உண்மை அங்குள்ளவர்களுத்துத் தெரியும் 

 

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்
5 hours ago, குமாரசாமி said:

ஆ...அப்படியா!!!!!! :cool:

நான் இவரை வைத்து உங்கள் அதி மேன்மையை தவறாக கருதி விட்டேன். மன்னித்தருளுங்கள்.😎

தவறு செய்வது மனித இயல்பு, மன்னிப்பது .... ஆகவே நீங்கள் மன்னிக்கப்பட்டுவிட்டீர்கள்.🤗

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7 hours ago, கற்பகதரு said:

தவறு செய்வது மனித இயல்பு, மன்னிப்பது .... ஆகவே நீங்கள் மன்னிக்கப்பட்டுவிட்டீர்கள்.🤗

கற்பகம்,நீங்கள் ரொம்பப் பெரிய மனுசனப்பா

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15 hours ago, ரதி said:

ங்கள் சொன்னால் சரியாய்த் தான் இருக்கும்🙂 இதற்கெல்லாம் உங்களோடு சண்டை பிடித்து ஏன் நேரத்தை வேஸ்ட் பண்ணுவான் ...உண்மை அங்குள்ளவர்களுத்துத் தெரியும் 

 

நேரம் பொன்னானது தங்கச்சி......😎

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10 hours ago, கற்பகதரு said:

தவறு செய்வது மனித இயல்பு, மன்னிப்பது .... ஆகவே நீங்கள் மன்னிக்கப்பட்டுவிட்டீர்கள்.🤗

மன்னிப்பு எனக்கு பிடிக்காத வார்த்தை எண்டு சொல்லிடுவீங்களோ எண்டு பயந்து பயந்து இருந்துட்டன்.... :cool:

 

3 hours ago, வாதவூரான் said:

கற்பகம்,நீங்கள் ரொம்பப் பெரிய மனுசனப்பா

அவர் அந்த வானத்த போல மனம் படைச்ச மன்னவர்...
அவர் பனி துளியை போல குணம் படைச்ச ஈழத்தவர்... 😊

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8 hours ago, குமாரசாமி said:

நேரம் பொன்னானது தங்கச்சி......😎

சரியாய்  சொன்னீங்கள் அண்ணாச்சி .அதான் நானே விலகிட்டேன் 

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On 16/1/2021 at 16:08, வாதவூரான் said:

இப்ப அவையின்ரை எஜமானர்கள் தானேஆட்சியில் சட்டுப் புட்டென்று வர்த்தமானி அறிவித்தலை வெளியிடச்சொல்லுங்கோநெடுக அடுத்தவனைக் குறை சொல்லிக்கொண்டிராமல். அது சரி ஆளுநரும் அவேன்ரை ஆள்தானே. தங்களாலை முடியாட்டில் எலாது எண்டு சொல்ல வேணும் சும்மா அடுத்தாக்களை குறை சொல்லிக்கொண்டு

இந்த வருடத்திற்குள் அதற்க்கான எல்லை வரையறுத்து பிரச்சினை தீர்க்கப்படும் என அறிவித்தல் கொடுத்து இருக்கிறார்கள் பார்ப்போம் அதுபோக நீதிபதி மேச்சல் தரை பண்ணையாளர்களுக்கும் மாடுகளுக்கும் கெடு பிடி கொடுக்க வேண்டாம் என அறிக்கை விட்டுருக்கிறார் .

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2 hours ago, தனிக்காட்டு ராஜா said:

இந்த வருடத்திற்குள் அதற்க்கான எல்லை வரையறுத்து பிரச்சினை தீர்க்கப்படும் என அறிவித்தல் கொடுத்து இருக்கிறார்கள் பார்ப்போம் அதுபோக நீதிபதி மேச்சல் தரை பண்ணையாளர்களுக்கும் மாடுகளுக்கும் கெடு பிடி கொடுக்க வேண்டாம் என அறிக்கை விட்டுருக்கிறார் .

நல்லதுநடந்தால் மகிழ்ச்சி தான்

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The leaders of the associations are themselves victims who by that point had spent years organizing search parties to go from one military camp or police station to another, seeking information about their disappeared family members. They informally organized to protect themselves and sustain their struggle, as women entering these military camps were themselves at risk. One woman told me she wouldn’t be alive today if not for other women who had come with her on her visit to a military camp where she suspected her husband had been taken. The group protected her by stopping soldiers from forcefully separating her from them. Despite years of failed commissions, broken government promises, and a well-founded mistrust in State-led initiatives, many of these women chose to risk their reputations in their communities to participate in the CTF’s consultations. They did so because they truly believed this new government would support their search for answers and the possible return of their loved ones, who they still believed were alive. Just months later, however, in August 2016, parliament passed the Office of Missing Persons bill without a vote, before the CTF had completed its consultations. The government failed to even consider an interim report on the OMP that the CTF had rushed to complete. And then in December 2016, when the CTF completed its final report, President Maithripala Sirisena refused to meet with the task force to accept it. Instead, in January 2017, the CTF handed its report over to former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, who at the time was the head of the Office of National Unity and Reconciliation. Recommendations included endorsing a hybrid court and ensuring there were clear links between the different transitional justice mechanisms so that they would work in coordination. This was particularly important to families of the disappeared, who were worried the OMP could turn into another truth commission that amounted to nothing if it wasn’t clearly linked to a justice mechanism. Senior government officials proceeded to criticize the CTF for stepping beyond its bounds to talk about accountability. For Tamil families of the disappeared across the country’s North-East, this was a painful turning point. They had invested in the consultation process and felt the reports reflected their needs and the real way forward to truth and justice. But for them, the government response only reaffirmed its continued unwillingness to heed their voices. Turn to Protest  Accordingly, in February 2017, inspired by “Las Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo” in Argentina, Tamil families of the disappeared began protesting in Kilinochchi. The protests quickly spread to all eight districts of the North-East. On May 30, 2017, to mark 100 days of protest, thousands of families gathered in Kilinochchi and blocked the main highway linking the country’s South to the North. They only relented after securing a meeting with Sirisena. In the first week of June 2017, I sat with other civil society activists in the offices of the Adayaalam Centre for Policy Research, helping the eight women leaders of the Tamil associations of families of the disappeared prepare for that meeting with Sirisena. In aletter they gave him, they asked him to release lists of 1) all those who surrendered to or were detained by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces during and after the war, particularly during the last stages; 2) all secret detention centers run by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces and Police throughout and after the war; and 3) all detainees held under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) from 1983 onwards. Coming back from that meeting on June 12, the women were hopeful. Sirisena had agreed to ask the military for the list of anyone who had surrendered and a list of secret detention centers, and the family leaders were confident he would follow through. While Sirisena reportedly did make that request, the military did not cooperate. After all, there was no real mechanism to hold them accountable for complying with the request or incentivize their cooperation. Months passed, and Tamil families continued their roadside protests, tolerating the incredibly hot and dusty conditions of their protest locations, which were built from tarp and corrugated metal sheets, and open to the elements. Meanwhile, transitional justice academics and experts from the West descended on Sri Lanka, eager to take the stories of these women, while doing little to avoid re-traumatization. Soon, the families grew suspicious of these extractive visitors, recognizing the need to protect their own mental health and stopped giving interviews so readily. Shifting Appeals to Calls for International Action  So it was understandable that, in the workshop in Colombo in the first week of November 2017, when transitional justice experts pressed the protesting Tamil families of the disappeared to engage with the OMP, the families pushed back – not as spoilers but as the real experts. They were skeptical that the military would give answers to a flawed government entity, when even the president of the country had not been able to obtain those answers. The families’ point was made manifestly clear two weeks later, on Nov. 16, 2017, when Sirisena finally formally met withthem again, only to callously reject their demands and storm out of the meeting. Tamil families of the disappeared were devastated and incensed. They shifted their appeals to the international community, realizing once more that they would not get the truth and justice they deserved through the Sri Lankan government. But the appeal for international action made the families targets of criticism from the government in Colombo and even from certain segments of civil society as being “politicized” and “disruptive.” Many civil society organizations made efforts to work with other families of the disappeared who appeared more open to engaging the OMP and who were not so “loud.” The protesting Tamil families of the disappeared were no longer “good victims” who could fit within convenient transitional justice paradigms. But the associations of Tamil families of the disappeared continued their struggle regardless of these criticisms. In March 2018, another civil society activist and I accompanied four of the associations’ leaders to Geneva, where they spoke in the plenary session of the Human Rights Council and made their case to international diplomats. They became an indomitable force in Tamil politics, rightfully speaking on the politics of justice and accountability based on their direct experience. The mothers and wives of the disappeared leading these associations grew adept at utilizing their “victimhood” as a source of agency and power, steeling themselves against attempts to speak for them or monopolize their struggle. Even in the face of an increase in surveillance and harassment by Sri Lankan security forces in 2018, they refused to back down and collectively organized creative solutions to protect themselves. Continuing the Struggle Amid an Escalating Crackdown Since Gotabaya Rajapaksa returned to power in 2019 as president, the security forces have cracked down even further on protesting Tamil families of the disappeared. Under the guise of Covid-19 prevention, police have sought orders against many of these women to block their protests. One mother of the disappeared I spoke with earlier this month said the police had obtained orders restricting her from protesting in four different districts. Many of these women are now receiving multiple calls a day from intelligence officers, and even dealing with visits to their homes. Several have been called in for interrogation by the infamous Terrorism Investigation Department, notorious for torture. The Sri Lankan government has gone from dismissing their cries for justice, to actively seeking to silence them. Yet even today, four years on, they sit in roadside makeshift tents, suffering the elements and the hovering security forces, dedicated to their struggle to find the truth about their disappeared loved ones, some still hoping to be reunited one day. On the weekend of Feb. 20, they marched through the streets of Kilinochchi carrying clay pots with hot coals on their heads, a traditional Tamil practice to make a vow — in their case the vow to seek justice. The long-term psychological toll of enforced disappearances on the families of victims cannot be overstated. And it is time their views are given the credence they deserve by international institutions and leaders. The Association for Relatives of Enforced Disappearances, North and East, signed a letter put forward by Tamil political parties and civil society last month. The letter calls for the situation in Sri Lanka to be referred to the International Criminal Court; for increased monitoring by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, including through a field presence; and for the establishment of an international evidence-gathering mechanism. As the experiences of Tamil families of the disappeared have shown, there is no hope for truth and justice domestically in Sri Lanka. Even at the peak of the National Unity Government, the highest office in the country could not or would not provide answers, because the military remained an impenetrable force. The only way to provide these families their long-overdue answers and justice to all victims in Sri Lanka is to break the seal around the military through international accountability. (Author’s note: This article is based on work I have done with protesting Tamil families of the disappeared since 2017. Families of the disappeared are not monolithic, as enforced disappearances have affected communities and families differently. This article focuses on the associations of families of the disappeared in the North-East, who represent a vast swathe of the affected Tamil families, most of whom lost relatives who were disappeared by the State.) IMAGE: Leaders of the Associations of Families of the Disappeared of the North-East in Sri Lanka leave a meeting with President Maithripala Sirisena in Jaffna, June 12, 2017. (Photo courtesy of Dharsha Jegatheeswaran) https://www.justsecurity.org/75095/heeding-victims-voices-the-struggle-of-tamil-families-of-the-disappeared-in-sri-lanka/ 
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