கனடிய பாராளுமன்றத்தில் இலங்கைப் பிரச்சினை...

[Sabesh]

emergency debate at canadian parliment....

[அருவி]

இரவு 11 மணி கடந்து சென்றுள்ளகொண்டிருக்கும் நிலையிலும் இலங்கையின் பிரச்சினை தொடர்பாக கனடியப் பாராளுமன்றத்தில் Emergency விவாதம் நடைபெற்றுக்கொண்டுள்ளது.

[தூயவன்]

எதிரியின் தவறான பிரச்சாரங்களை என்னமும் நாம் தெளிவுபடுத்த வேண்டும்.

கொல்லுகின்ற தரப்பிடம் எவ்வாறு நியாயத்தையோ, அல்லது அவர்களின் பதிலையோ ஏற்க முடியும் என்ற கேள்விகள் அவசியம்.

[தூயவன்]

[KULAKADDAN]

எத்தனை உறுப்பினர்கள் விவாதத்தில் பங்கு கொண்டு உரையாற்றினார்கள் தெரியவில்லை. இறுதி இருவரது உரையை தான் பார்த்தேன். அவர்கள் இருவரும் எமது பிரச்சனை எதன் காரணமாக தொடங்கியது, அதன் அடிப்படை என்ன என்பதை ஓரள்வு அறிந்து வைத்து உரையற்றினார்கள். ஆனால் விவாதத்தோடு தமது கடமை முடிந்தது என இருந்துவிடுவார்களா? அல்லது ஆக்கபூர்வமாக செய்வார்களா என்பதை பொறுத்திருந்து தான் பார்க்க வேண்டும்.

[SivanSaami]

ஒரு நல்லசெய்தி!!!!!!!!!!!

[SivanSaami]

கவுஸ் 0F கொமொன்ஸ் CH #104 ல் இன்று அந்த விவாதம் காட்டினார்கள்!

கண்ணார கண்டு காதார கேட்டு மகிழ்ந்தேன்.

[Sabesh]

6.30 க்கே தொடங்கிட்டுது.... நிறைய போர் எங்களுக்கு ஆதராவாக விவாதப்பட்டவை....

Jack Layton (NDP)

Wayne Marston (NDP)

Paul Dewar (NDP)

Olivia Chow (NDP)

Beverlet Oda (Con)

Jim Karygiannis (Lib)

Dan McTeague (Lib)

Robert Oliphant (Lib)

Peter Kent (Con)

Paul Crete (Bloc)

Bob Rae (Lib)

John Mckay (Lib)

Irwin Cotler (Lib)

Peter Kent (Cons)

Lawrence Cannon (Cons)

மிச்சாக்களின் பெயர்களை எழுதவில்லை..... உந்த லிஸ்ரில கொன்சேர்வற்ரிவ் காறர் ஆதரவாக கதைக்கவில்லை.

[EelaMahan]

மிகவும் உணர்ச்சி பூர்வமாக பேசினார்கள். விடாது முஜச்சி செய்வோம்.

[Sabesh]

எத்தனை உறுப்பினர்கள் விவாதத்தில் பங்கு கொண்டு உரையாற்றினார்கள் தெரியவில்லை. இறுதி இருவரது உரையை தான் பார்த்தேன். அவர்கள் இருவரும் எமது பிரச்சனை எதன் காரணமாக தொடங்கியது, அதன் அடிப்படை என்ன என்பதை ஓரள்வு அறிந்து வைத்து உரையற்றினார்கள். ஆனால் விவாதத்தோடு தமது கடமை முடிந்தது என இருந்துவிடுவார்களா? அல்லது ஆக்கபூர்வமாக செய்வார்களா என்பதை பொறுத்திருந்து தான் பார்க்க வேண்டும்.

ஆக்க பூர்வமாக செய்வதற்கு நாங்கள் தான் கடினமாக உழைக்க வேணும். இந்து உந்து சக்தியோட அப்பிடியே போறதுக்கு நாங்கள் தான் தள்ள வேணும்... இல்லாவிடின் அப்பிடியே நின்று விடும்.

இதில கொன்சேர்வற்ரிவ தவிர மற்ற எல்லா எம் பி மாரும் எங்களுக்காக தான் கதை;தினம். கியுபெக் புளொக் காறர் மிகவும் கார சாரமாக வாதாடினார்கள். நான் எதிர்பார்க்கவே இல்லை. நாங்கள் தான் அவர்களுக்கு நன்றி தெரிவித்து மேன் மேலும் ஊக்க படுத்த வேண்டும்.

2 - 3 நாளில பெரிய மாற்றம் எதுவும் காணாவிட்டால் திரும்ப கிண்ட வேணும்.

[shan_]

என்ன முடிவெடுத்தார்கள்? நல்ல முடிவு எனில் தனி நாட்டை ஏற்பார்களா?

[Soori]

Ottawaவில் நடந்த ஆர்ப்பாட்டம்

Protest

[Snegethy]

அவசர விவாதத்தின் கடைசி 45 நிமிடங்களை இங்கே கேட்கலாம் : http://snegethyj.blogspot.com/2009/02/eela...-parliment.html

[மின்னல்]

நடைபெற்ற விவாதம் அவசர விவாதமே. இன்று நாடாளுமன்று கூடும்போது விரிவான விவாதம் இடம்பெறவுள்ளதாக தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.

பனிப்பொழிவு கடும் குளிர் என எதையும் பார்க்காது கனேடியத் தமிழர்கள் மேற்கொண்ட தொடர்போராட்டமே இன்று ஒரு அவசர விவாதத்தை நாடாளுமன்றில் கொண்டுவர வைத்தது.

இத்துடன் எமது கடமை முடிந்துவிடவில்லை. தொடர்ச்சியாக எமது போராட்டத்தை முன்னெடுத்து எமது மக்களின் துயருக்கு முடிவு கட்டுவதற்கு வழிசமைப்போம்.

[nedukkalapoovan]

அதிகம் கவலைப்படாதேங்கோ.

புலிகளுக்கு எதிரான போரில்.. ஒபாமா போன்று நாமும் மகிந்தவுக்கு எப்போதும் துணை இருப்போம் என்றும்.. புலிகள் ஆயுதங்களை கீழ வைச்சிட்டு.. சரணடையனும் என்று அமெரிக்க சார்பு சர்வதேசம் விட்ட அறிக்கையை நாங்கள் வலுவாக ஆதரிக்கின்றோம் என்றும் ஒரு அறிக்கை விடுவினம்..!

இதுக்குப் போய்.. ஏன் இவ்வளவு.. ம்ம்ம்..! நம்பி கெடப்போறன் என்றே ஒற்றக்காலில நிக்கிறியள்..!

[Jil]

அதிகம் கவலைப்படாதேங்கோ.

புலிகளுக்கு எதிரான போரில்.. ஒபாமா போன்று நாமும் மகிந்தவுக்கு எப்போதும் துணை இருப்போம் என்றும்.. புலிகள் ஆயுதங்களை கீழ வைச்சிட்டு.. சரணடையனும் என்று அமெரிக்க சார்பு சர்வதேசம் விட்ட அறிக்கையை நாங்கள் வலுவாக ஆதரிக்கின்றோம் என்றும் ஒரு அறிக்கை விடுவினம்..!

இதுக்குப் போய்.. ஏன் இவ்வளவு.. ம்ம்ம்..! நம்பி கெடப்போறன் என்றே ஒற்றக்காலில நிக்கிறியள்..!

சர்வதேசத்தை பகைக்ககூடாது என்று உங்களுக்கு திட்டு விழப்போகுது,உங்களினது இப்படியான கருத்துக்களால்தான் சர்வதேசம் தமிழர்களை கண்டுகொள்ளவில்லை என்று திட்டப் போகிறார்கள்.

[குக்கூ]

கனடிய தமிழ்மக்களின் உறுதியான போரட்டத்தின் விளைவை அருவடை செய்ய தொடங்கியுள்ளோம்..

இது ஆரம்ப வெற்றி.. பராட்டுகள் தொடருங்கள்.. மேலும் இது வரை கொடுக்காத மிகுதி தகவல்களைக்கொடுங்கள்..

உங்கள் தகவல்கள் அவர்களாகவே தமிழர்போரட்டத்தை அங்கீகரிக்க பண்ணும்.. இயக்க தடையை நீக்கும்..

தாங்கள் முதலில் தவறை உணர்வர்...

உங்கள் உறுதியான போரட்டம் ஒற்றுமை அவர்களைக்கவர்ந்துள்ளது.. அவர்களின் மனச்சாட்சிகளை தட்டியுள்ளது..

தொடருங்கள்.. புல்லுருவிகளில் ஜாக்கிரதையாக இருங்கள்.. மீண்டும் பாராட்டுகிறேன்..

உங்கள் பலம் திரண்ட எண்ணிக்கை ...எப்போதும் துணை நிட்கும்...

கொடிய அரசபயங்கரவாதத்தால் பாதிக்கப்பட்டு இருக்கும் இனம் பொங்கி எழுந்தால் எந்த தடையும் தூசு..

எமது பக்கம் நியாயம் நீதி இருக்கிறது.. பாதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளோம்..எவருக்

கும் பயப்படவேண்டியதில்லை..

பாதுகாக்கவேண்டிய கொலைகார அரசு தான் மிரளவேண்டும்..எனவே தொடருங்கள் முழுவிடுதலை கிடைக்கும் மட்டும்... வெற்றி நிச்சயம்.. தவறு இருந்தால் மன்னிகவும்..

[rajcan]

http://www2.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/P...216#SOB-2582078

Sorry to add this long debate at once but better to read this.

Emergency Debate

[s. O. 52]

* * *

[English]

Situation in Sri Lanka

[Table of Contents]

The Acting Speaker (Ms. Denise Savoie):

As it is now 6:30 p.m., the House will now proceed to the consideration of a motion to adjourn the House for the purpose of discussing a specific and important matter requiring urgent consideration, namely the situation in Sri Lanka.

[Translation]

[Table of Contents]

Hon. Jack Layton (Toronto—Danforth, NDP)

moved:

That the House do now adjourn.

He said: Madam Speaker, I would first like to say that I will be sharing my time with the hon. member for Hamilton East—Stoney Creek.

I am very honoured, on behalf of the New Democratic Party, to have requested and been granted this emergency debate on the humanitarian crisis in Sri Lanka. I want to thank all other members who requested the same thing.

(1830)

[English]

Let me open with the traditional greeting that we share when we meet the many members of the Tamil community in Canada.

[Member spoke in Tamil ]

[English]

Too often when tough times are hitting at home, we forget that many around the world are suffering from violence, displacement and deprivation. In Sri Lanka renewed conflict between government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam has created a humanitarian crisis of profound proportion. At least 250,000 civilians--innocent men, women and children--are at immediate risk.

Canada cannot let that stand. We have a duty to pursue peace, to supply aid, and to use the full power of our influence to protect those innocents. To do so, the Government of Canada must act and must act now.

[Translation]

Here is the situation in Sri Lanka today. It is a country that has been torn apart by a bloody conflict for the past 25 years. Some 70,000 people have been killed since the beginning of the civil war and thousands more have been displaced, not to mention all those who have fled the country and the violence. Unlawful killings, murders of journalists, parliamentarians and judges, the loss of freedom of speech, and the violation of fundamental human rights are all now the norm in Sri Lanka.

[English]

In January last year the uneasy ceasefire agreement between the government and the LTTE rebels fell apart and the relentless government campaign against the rebels has devastated the northern regions of Sri Lanka. Thousands have died. There are many simply innocent civilians caught in the conflict, ravaged by aerial bombings and artillery bombardments. Many bombs have hit so-called safety zones, killing and wounding hundreds of civilians, and destroying villages and hospitals.

Amnesty International estimates that there are less than half of the shelters that are needed for the monsoon season, leaving 20,000 families without shelter for that reason alone.

Foreign journalists have been denied access to the conflict zone, helping to keep this tragedy off the front pages and ensuring that those around the world who are concerned will have great difficulty in discerning precisely what is taking place. This also of course removes pressure from the Sri Lankan government itself.

Groups such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the ICRC say that both sides must bear responsibility for human rights violations. The laws of war require that parties to a conflict take all feasible precautions to minimize the loss of civilian life. It would appear that neither side has done so.

We want to simply acknowledge to those who are here in Canada and who are so deeply concerned that we sense their deep sense of tragedy and loss. Just today, here on Parliament Hill, thousands gathered. As I was leaving, having spent some time with them, one man grabbed hold of me and there were tears in his eyes as he spoke about how he had lost his brothers and his sister and their children. The anguish was seen on the streets of my city just last weekend when a remarkable gathering took place, a human chain linking hand to hand up and down the sidewalks of downtown Toronto all the way from Bloor and Yonge to Union Station and all the way back up University Avenue. It was peaceful. It was passionate. It was a call for us to respond.

I am very pleased that such a response is happening here tonight and that members of all parties are participating, some of whom I may say have been very engaged in this issue for a long period of time. I want to acknowledge that.

I want to also say that we hear about hospitals being shelled, and of course we cannot confirm all these things as yet because of the limited access of journalists, but we hear stories of a nurse being killed along with 11 people in a hospital in a conflict zone, a hospital that treats 600 patients. Both sides have been notified that this was a location where treatment was being offered, nonetheless the shelling continues. No one can even identify who was responsible for this particular attack. Both sides must bear responsibility for the violence.

It is the innocent. It is the wounded. It is the medical workers who have lost the most. The humanitarian crisis is far and distant to the thousands of the Canadians whose origins are in this part of the world. There are a 250,000 Tamils in Canada. Many have family and friends already killed or caught up in the conflict. There is no question that right across the country on the phone-in shows and using all the techniques that are possible, people are trying to find out what is happening back home and they are desperately looking for all of us here to help to bring an end to the violence.

Back on October 22 the Governor General urged the Sri Lankan High Commissioner to protect civilians by saying:

Canada believes it is important to ensure that civilians in conflict zones are protected, that they have access to humanitarian organizations, and that their human rights are respected.

I have to say that it seemed to take too much time for us to respond here in Canada. I think this is one of the reasons why the community is mobilizing with such passion. Last week we had the expression from the press release by the Minister of Foreign Affairs indicating that we were deeply concerned and we will deliver strong messages about the importance of a return to the peace process. We did not feel that that was strong enough.

(1835)

I am glad to hear that there has been an announcement today that the Canadian government will supply $3 million in emergency aid. We welcome this initiative. This may prove to be only the beginning of what is required in the face of this catastrophic humanitarian crisis, but it is an important step. We also understand that there has been a call today from the government for a ceasefire on both sides, as the community and many of us here had been calling for. We welcome that.

[Translation]

However that is not enough. Canada can, and must, do more. We should join Great Britain, Germany and others who are taking on a leadership role in very actively exerting diplomatic pressure, demanding an immediate ceasefire.

[English]

We are calling on the government to apply all possible diplomatic pressure to achieve the ceasefire and to put a sustained effort toward this goal. We are also calling for an immediate end to the apparent use of cluster bombs by the Sri Lankan military. We know that this is against international law. We also have to do everything we can to ensure the supply of emergency aid and access to the conflict zone for international aid organizations. This should include the provision of safe corridors for the transmission of the aid and for the movement of people.

We have to use all available channels including our influence at the United Nations and at the Commonwealth to achieve these goals and others that I am sure will be raised here in this important debate. The time for delays is past. I urge the House to join with our party in calling on the government to apply all possible diplomatic pressure to end the suffering and the violence against the innocents.

[Member spoke in Tamil]

[English]

[Table of Contents]

Mr. Wayne Marston (Hamilton East—Stoney Creek, NDP):

Madam Speaker, I want to begin my remarks by thanking the member for Toronto—Danforth, the leader of the NDP, for leading the call today for this emergency debate. I also want to thank the other members present who are taking part in something that is so crucial and so important to the Sri Lankan community in Canada.

We heard just now from the leader of the NDP that the people in Sri Lanka are in crisis and many Sri Lankan civilians are caught between the government forces and the Liberation Tigers in a war zone with nowhere to turn. Earlier today, Human Rights Watch issued a release saying that there are continuing reports of high civilian casualties in the Mullaitivu district of the Northern Vanni area. The Sri Lankan government recently issued a statement saying that it is not responsible for the safety of civilians who remain in the areas controlled by the LTTE.

In addition, we have the International Committee of the Red Cross as well as local health workers reporting over the past week that a hospital was hit by three volleys of government artillery in a 24 hour period which left nine people dead and numerous injuries. Again, on February 2, that same hospital was struck again, killing three additional people and injuring 10 more.

Members present will know that under the laws of war, hospitals are strictly prohibited from attack so long as they are not being used for military purposes and both sides, as my leader has indicated, had been told that these hospitals were not being used in the conflict. In any conflict that reaches such a point of indiscriminate battle, both sides hold a measure of responsibility when it comes to protecting non-combatants.

Reports from Human Rights Watch, as well as Amnesty International, point to accusations of both sides in this conflict putting Sri Lankan civilians at risk and indeed, as we have heard regarding the hospitals and other cases, civilians have died as a result.

One of the problems faced by the international community is the fact that the Sri Lankan government has prohibited independent journalists and human rights monitors from accessing the area. As my leader indicated previously, that has put a wall around getting the story told and engaging the world community.

There is no independent field investigations taking place into the conduct of the government forces, nor for that matter the LTTE. But one thing is very clear, Sri Lankan civilians are being maimed and are dying in this conflict. When either side in a war zone violates the rules of war, it does not in any way legitimize their opposition resorting to similar violations.

Amnesty International says that reports coming from the Sri Lankan government suggest that government forces and the LTTE are violating the laws of war by targeting civilians and preventing them from escaping to safety. My point is that we have numerous reports that civilians are being injured and are dying in this conflict. There are reports of horrendous acts and horrors that the civilians of Sri Lanka are facing. To that point, there is no way under these conditions that these claims can be investigated unless and until countries like Canada use their diplomatic powers to gain a ceasefire.

I believe, and the NDP believes, that Canada must work further with the United Nations and the world community to ensure that the aid that is so desperately needed in the announcement of today reaches the most affected in the conflict, the innocent people of Sri Lanka.

I submit that this is not the time nor the place to try to decide who is more to blame for this situation. It is all too easy to place blame when such a conflict has festered for so many years. I do not want to see my country, Canada, stand by and allow civilians to be so forsaken in such a war zone.

I do not want to see Canada's hard-earned reputation as a nation of people, who believe in peace and who have been counted on in so many ways and so many times in the past to be the voice of peace, have that hard-earned reputation squandered. The Government of Canada must continue to stand up along with the world community and ensure that we take a lead position fighting for an immediate ceasefire and in doing so, open the doors for emergency aid to reach the embattled people of Sri Lanka.

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The Acting Speaker (Ms. Denise Savoie):

I would like to clarify, as it appears there was some confusion, there is a five minute period for questions after every ten minute speech, so I will recognize the hon. member for Ottawa Centre.

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Mr. Paul Dewar (Ottawa Centre, NDP):

Madam Speaker, I want to thank my colleague and leader of our party for their interventions.

As we hear the news coming out of Sri Lanka, when it does come out, because as has been mentioned, that is part of the problem, it is causing not only concern for us as citizens but it is destabilizing the opportunities for peace in the region.

We have to be very clear that what we see in Sri Lanka is not something that just happened. Today the government has acknowledged that a ceasefire is necessary, that there is money to be given to help in aid, but we know there are things that Canada must and should do on the diplomatic side.

With regard to things like the use of cluster bombs, with the need for humanitarian corridors to be established, and with Canada wanting to be more involved with the UN, could the member give us some ideas about what we could do as a country when it comes to going beyond what we have heard today and what was announced by the government?

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Mr. Wayne Marston:

Madam Speaker, it is very clear that within the borders of Canada there is a community that is desperately hurting and there is a level of compassion that needs to be shown to those people.

In the past, certain members of this conflict have been labelled by our government and others. It is time to put aside the labels and talk to the ordinary people in the street, the Sri Lankan families who have moved here and made Canada their home, and who are so desperately looking back to their homeland. We have to do what we can to support them. Today in the demonstration in front of this place, we saw terror and fear in their eyes. It is very important that we support these people.

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Ms. Olivia Chow (Trinity—Spadina, NDP):

Madam Speaker, about half an hour ago in Toronto there was a vigil that was well attended by over 10,000 people. It was not just people from Sri Lanka and the Tamil community. It was people who have a yearning for peace and for humanitarian aid to get into the war zone. They are speaking in one voice and are asking the Canadian government to do more.

For those who are worried, for Canadians who want to contribute and express their desire for peace and for humanitarian aid, what are some of the things they could do to assist?

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Mr. Wayne Marston:

Madam Speaker, precisely the point that the member made is what I was referring to moments ago. When this community comes together and is demonstrating and marching and we join with them, at that time we will come to understand their needs more closely in a personal and tangible way.

Many times we lose sight in these kinds of discussions as to the hurt that families and individuals feel when they are separated not only by an ocean but by a conflict such as this one. Everything that we can do in a very personal way is important at this time.

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Hon. Bev Oda (Minister of International Cooperation, CPC):

Madam Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the Minister of State of Foreign Affairs.

Canada is deeply concerned by the plight of those affected by the ongoing conflict in Sri Lanka. My colleagues and I have heard from many within our own communities and also from Sri Lankans. We are taking our responsibility seriously.

Sri Lanka is a low to middle income country that made rapid progress during the 1950s and 1960s, including the remarkable achievement of a 92% literacy rate. Despite this accomplishment, Sri Lanka's development progress has been undermined by decades of civil war. Close to half the population is highly vulnerable, living on an income of less than $2 U.S. a day.

Since December 2004, Sri Lanka has also been coping with the devastating effects of the tsunami which killed 31,000 people and displaced close to a million. The tsunami destroyed the country's coastal infrastructure and the livelihoods of those who live there, pushing an additional 250,000 Sri Lankans below the poverty line. Together with the international community, Canada committed to help restore those communities and the livelihoods of those who were affected.

Since the tsunami, Sri Lanka has made impressive progress toward recovery, but despite this recovery, Sri Lankans have seen continual civil war in their country. Just this past year, in August and September alone, there was a mass displacement of 80,000 people, many of whom had already been displaced several times since the renewal of the fighting. The situation was made worse when tropical cyclone Nisha hit in November 2008, just a few months ago, displacing more than 30,000 families in the Vanni region, making it very difficult for humanitarian convoys to get through because of the damage to the roads at that time.

In 2008, Canada provided nearly $3 million in humanitarian assistance through trusted humanitarian partners such as Doctors Without Borders, the International Committee of the Red Cross, World Vision, CARE Canada and the World Food Programme. Just last November, in response to a Red Cross appeal, Canada committed over $30,000 to help civilians in the war zone, but in fact, last year Sri Lanka barred nearly all aid groups from the area.

Today we see the images, we hear the reports and we read of the violence and devastation, but most concerning to all Canadians is the impact on the innocent civilians. Just yesterday over 52 civilians were killed in one area. The last hospital in the war zone had to be evacuated. It is reported that 250,000 civilians are trapped in the war zone.

We recognize the severity of the situation. We share the concern of the Sri Lankan community and all Canadians, and feel how frustrating it must be to watch such violence happening and to watch the conflict happening. Clearly the situation is grave.

Let me assure members of the House that Canada is committed to helping the people of Sri Lanka. Earlier today I announced that Canada will provide up to $3 million for life-saving emergency humanitarian aid to those people living in the conflict zone. Canada is committed to meeting those emergency needs.

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We will do this through working with our partners, the International Committee of the Red Cross, Oxfam Canada, Médecins Sans Frontières, World Vision and CARE Canada. These organizations have been working in Sri Lanka for years. Over time these partners have established a well-deserved position of trust with the local people in the local communities, and they have demonstrated they can make a difference in the lives of those civilians. Canada will make sure that the humanitarian needs of those civilians will be met and in an effective way.

It concerns me that in situations such as this one, the experience in the past is that due diligence was not made by the people who were responsible for Canadian aid to ensure that those humanitarian supplies and needs would go through organizations that had the ability to move freely in the devastated areas in order to deliver directly to those affected. Consequently, we have now confirmed that every one of the partners I have just listed has the ability for access into and nearby the war zone. They will be providing shelter, food, clean water, medicines and needed drugs.

That is why Canada is also calling for a ceasefire, so that these emergency needs and supplies can be delivered. We are calling for full unhindered access for all humanitarian organizations and for the evacuation of the sick and wounded.

Canada condemns the shelling of the hospital. We also condemn a tax on vehicles delivering humanitarian aid. We support all efforts and actions to prevent further civilian casualties and human suffering.

Canada calls on all parties in the conflict to respect their obligations under international law to protect civilians, particularly by granting them the freedom of movement to leave the conflict areas, and by allowing humanitarian workers safe and unhindered access.

We, along with all Canadians, want to assure all Sri Lankans that we will build on our long-standing relationship with them and with that country.

We are taking action. We take the concerns of all Sri Lankans and all Canadians very seriously. We are monitoring the situation hourly. I am in constant contact with our humanitarian aid partners who are active in and near the war zone, and we will respond as we, as a responsible and caring country, should do.

That is why we are here this evening, to join together to ensure that Canada and the international community are there for the Sri Lankan people.

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis (Scarborough—Agincourt, Lib.):

Madam Speaker, the Conservative government has been in power for three years. Before the Conservatives were elected to government, a Conservative member of Parliament from Nova Scotia said, “As soon as we get in power, we are going to list the LTTE”. As soon as they got elected, they listed the WTM. The Conservatives are saying that they are a caring government and they will do things differently from previous governments.

I am baffled. Not only am I baffled, I am bamboozled. The Conservatives want to do things different from previous governments. I am wondering, why have they not done anything from the day that they were elected until now, except list a community and equate the community by saying, “If you are a Tamil, you are a Tiger and you are a terrorist”. That is the signal that is coming from the government, and if they say I am wrong, there is a lot of people in the audience tonight who will attest to what I said. During the election, in different areas the Conservatives went as far to say that the Liberals had not done anything for the Tamils but that they would so people should vote for them. The consequences in Sri Lanka are a country that is totally divided and people are killing each other.

My question for the minister is, why did it take her so long to do something? Why did it even take her government so long to react when member after member were telling the Conservatives to do something? Why did it take so long?

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Hon. Bev Oda:

Madam Speaker, as I said, this is now a time for all of us in the House to come together and recognize that we have a people who are victims of a conflict of a civil war. We now have to say what it is that we together as Canadians can do.

I can report, and I know my colleagues will also be able to fill the member in, that we have called for a cessation of fighting since last year. Since last year, Canada has also contributed in international aid and humanitarian assistance to help the development of that country. We have been working in governance, in building houses, improving literacy, education and health care. We have trusted partners that we have been working with over the years. They are now able to jump into action and focus on the area that needs the greatest help at this time.

We should now come together and not let partisan interests stop Canada from doing what is right.

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Mr. Robert Oliphant (Don Valley West, Lib.):

Madam Speaker, I thank the minister for her actions today, for announcing humanitarian aid and for other calls for a ceasefire from the government. In that same spirit of co-operation, as an individual member of Parliament, I want to work with her on this.

I do have a concern about the aid that has been announced and our ability to actually get it flowing through to the Tamil people in the areas, particularly those areas that have been controlled by the LTTE. Last summer, it was very clear when the United Nations refugee agency, the UNHCR, acknowledged that the supplies were low and aid was not flowing because the Sri Lankan government would not allow it to flow. Subsequently, it took aid workers out of the area, saying it was no longer safe for them. Those agencies have not been there for a number of months.

I am worried about how Canada can help get them into the area with safety and how we can get the money that the government has announced today, and more, flowing.

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Hon. Bev Oda:

Madam Speaker, as I said, that is a priority for our government. We want to ensure that whatever aid we give will go directly to those who most need it. We have been on the telephone with our partners and have asked those very same questions. Are they able to get into the area? Are they able to transport? What is the security situation?

Because we are utilizing and working with organizations that have been there many years, they have built up local volunteers and workers who have more access and freedom of movement. They have built up the confidence of those communities. They also have agreements. Of the parties that are part of the conflict, there is an agreement that certain organizations like Red Cross International can continue the work. When the hospital was bombed, the Red Cross was able to evacuate and remove those who were sick and wounded from the hospital.

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Hon. Peter Kent (Minister of State of Foreign Affairs (Americas), CPC):

Madam Speaker, over the years, governments of Canada have been and continue to be deeply concerned about civilian casualties and the humanitarian situation in the continuing civil conflict in Sri Lanka.

This government has conveyed its concern regularly, but most recently, with great urgency, in a public statement on January 28. The Minister of Foreign Affairs also conveyed this concern directly to the government of Sri Lanka when he spoke with the minister of foreign affairs, Rohitha Bogollagama, on February 2. Today our concerns were raised again in another statement. Our Minister of Foreign Affairs called for an immediate ceasefire and support for the statement released yesterday by the co-chairs of the Tokyo Donor Conference on Reconstruction and Development of Sri Lanka. As the minister just said, we have called for a cessation of hostilities for some time now.

We support the call of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the LTTE, commonly known as the Tamil Tigers, to discuss with the government of Sri Lanka the terms for ending hostilities, including the renunciation of violence, the laying down of arms and the acceptance of the government of Sri Lanka's offer of amnesty as the first step toward an inclusive political dialogue that should contribute to a lasting peace.

Canada is particularly concerned about the grave threat faced by a large number of civilians caught in the conflict zone. Canada strongly condemns the shelling attacks on the hospital which is in contravention of international humanitarian law. Equally disturbing have been continuing accusations by both the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam of the other side firing into a government-declared safe zone.

The Government of Canada is continuing its efforts with like-minded countries to deliver strong messages to all parties to the conflict about protecting civilians, including humanitarian workers, allowing their safe and voluntary movement from combat zones and ensuring unhindered access for humanitarian workers to reach civilians in need.

In light of the grave humanitarian situation in Sri Lanka, Canada will continue to provide assistance to Sri Lanka's vulnerable populations. In fact, as we just heard, the Minister of International Cooperation today announced that Canada will provide up to $3 million in humanitarian aid to Sri Lanka to help those affected by the current crisis.

Canadian assistance in Sri Lanka is focused on the immediate needs of the affected populations and is provided by organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, United Nations agencies and key Canadian non-governmental organizations with a proven capacity and track records in Sri Lanka.

Canada's food aid funding is primarily directed through the United Nations World Food Programme, an experienced implementing partner with demonstrated ability to address the needs of the most vulnerable populations.

Canada also provides assistance for broader initiatives in Sri Lanka such as the sponsorship of a regional conference in Colombo, on pluralism, that took place in South Asia in March 2008. This conference focused specifically on minority integration and participation in government and civil society, and included participation from the government of Sri Lanka. Canada intends to host follow-up events in Sri Lanka. We believe that continued assistance with such initiatives is important for the promotion of human rights and democracy.

Canada continues to urge the government of Sri Lanka to move toward a new and meaningful political solution to the conflict that will address the legitimate concerns of all communities. The decades old conflict will not be ended on the battlefield, but through political accommodation.

We have therefore called on the Sri Lankan government to demonstrate leadership and move forward with the tabling of further details for meaningful power sharing agreements that will be acceptable to all the communities of that beautiful island.

We have also repeatedly impressed upon all parties our grave concern over the deteriorating human rights situation and the need for an international presence to report on human rights violations. Through bilateral meetings and multilateral fora such as the Human Rights Council, the Government of Canada continues to express our concerns regarding reports of violations of humanitarian rights and humanitarian law.

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The increase in attacks on journalists in Sri Lanka is also very troubling. In the Minister of Foreign Affairs' call with the Sri Lankan foreign minister, he urged the government of Sri Lanka to conduct open and independent investigations into all attacks on journalists and to hold those responsible to account. The lack of neutral reporting underlines the pressing need for independent media to have unfettered access to the conflict area.

The Government of Canada will continue to work with like-minded countries to urge all parties to the conflict to protect civilians, to ensure respect for international humanitarian law, to provide humanitarian actors the full, safe and unhindered access to conflict-affected populations, and to return to the peace process.

As members may know, Canada is home to the world's largest Sri Lankan diaspora of over 200,000, comprised mostly of Tamils, who arrived as asylum seekers in the 1980s and the 1990s. These Sri Lankan Canadians, proud Canadians, are passionately interested and follow developments in Sri Lanka very closely.

However, the LTTE, the Tamil Tigers, are also known to be present in Canada. In April 2006, the Government of Canada listed the LTTE as a terrorist organization, thereby freezing its assets and prohibiting any and all fundraising, whether voluntary or through extortion. In June 2008, again after an extensive investigation, the World Tamil Movement was listed as a terrorist organization under Canada's Criminal Code for financing the Tamil Tigers, the LTTE.

The government regularly meets with representatives of civil society and NGOs which work on Sri Lankan issues in Canada. I would like to emphasize that the large and vibrant population of Canadians of Sri Lankan origin means that Canada has a very real interest in developments in Sri Lanka, an interest that is regularly communicated to the government of Sri Lanka.

Finally, I would like to underline that Canada continues to deliver clear messages to the government of Sri Lanka on Canada's grave concern over the human rights and humanitarian situation in the country. Canada works with like-minded countries and through multilateral fora to address key issues and to continue to press for steps toward a durable political solution to the conflict that will address the legitimate concerns of all communities in Sri Lanka.

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Hon. Dan McTeague (Pickering—Scarborough East, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I listened very carefully to the comments of the Minister of State of Foreign Affairs (Americas), and I appreciate the comments made in terms of the extremely recent activity by the government, which up until today was steadfast in its determination not to do anything and not to recognize the obvious.

I hear the calls by members, suggesting this is not a partisan issue. Considering that his government took a position to list various organizations on terrorist lists, would he explain to the House how that has been able to further enhance the ability for Canada to engage in an even-handed way in a conflict that has existed for some time?

The hon. member will remember the fact that in 1983, as this conflict began in earnest and the subsequent peace protest led by our friends in Norway, one of the most important and critical elements in that peace process, as fragile as it was, was to ensure that Canada took no drastic action until such time as a peace negotiation could take place. Instead the Canadian government, his government, took the position of going out and providing labels.

I appreciate the fact that the hon. minister may have a perspective on this, but I would ask the hon. minister this. Since he has pointed out that he is prepared to work in the area of political accommodation, would such an accommodation include Canada deploying troops, preparing itself to work with the United Nations, preparing to serve in a humanitarian capacity? How soon could we expect the government, now that it has made a 180° reversal in its position, to act to stop the unfolding tragedy, which was avoidable, in that part of the world?

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Hon. Peter Kent:

Mr. Speaker, I would first remark that the Government of Canada was not only deeply concerned by the fact that Canadian dollars were travelling across and around the world to fund a terrorist organization, the Tamil tigers, which has been credited universally as the first creators of suicide bombings, that Canadian dollars were fuelling, aiding and abetting the terrorist operation of the tigers in this decades-old conflict, but for its fundraising and extortion of Canadians of Tamil origin who had--

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis:

Who did? You can't prove it. Table it.

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Hon. Peter Kent:

Mr. Speaker, I would respond to the member that the RCMP are continuing their investigation.

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis:

You are making allegations. Table the proof.

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Hon. Peter Kent:

Members of the community were intimidated on a regular basis.

I would also remark that members opposite deepened the conflict and the conflict within the Tamil community by appearing at fundraising events clearly associated with the terrorist organization known as the Tamil tigers and which this government had the courage--

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis:

Mr. Speaker, I rise on a point of order. I take exception to what the minister said. He said that members opposite went to fundraising events for the tigers. I was one of those members who did go to a fundraising event for FACT, the Federation of Associations of Canadian Tamils, an organization in my riding. The minister said that there was extortion. I did contact 42 division in my riding and there was no such thing.

I challenge the minister to say that outside or to table exactly what he has that Canadian Tamils were extorted.

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The Deputy Speaker:

Order, please. That sounds like a point of debate, not a point of order.

The hon. member for Scarborough—Agincourt is being quite vocal when he has not been recognized by the Chair. I would appreciate a bit of order from him.

The hon. member for Montmagny—L'Islet—Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup.

[Translation]

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Mr. Paul Crête (Montmagny—L'Islet—Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup, BQ):

Mr. Speaker, the government must be very clear on two things this evening.

First—and this is what I want to ask the Minister of State of Foreign Affairs (Americas) about, the government has to draw a clear distinction between the Tamil population in Quebec and Canada and the issue of terrorism. The Minister of State of Foreign Affairs (Americas) must be very clear that there is a definite difference between the population and the movement as such and that this evening's debate is meant to help bring about a ceasefire.

Second, we owe a debt of gratitude to this community that, for the past two days, has come to the Hill to give us a better understanding of the reality of the situation and has led the government to call for a ceasefire today.

What new steps will the government take in the coming days and months so that this issue is not put on the back burner again?

[English]

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Hon. Peter Kent:

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for getting us back on track.

The Government of Canada will continue to press the Government of Sri Lanka to ceasefire and to allow the transport of humanitarian aid to civilians and civilians to pass through the conflict lines.

However, first and foremost, the conflict must come to an end. It is time for the tigers to put down their weapons and for the Government of Sri Lanka to do the same and for all parties to talk about power sharing on what should be a beautiful, productive and peaceful isle.

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Hon. Bob Rae (Toronto Centre, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with the hon. member for Mount Royal.

I want to spend my time in the debate talking a little about the challenges that we face. I appreciate the comments that have been made by the two spokesmen for the government. It does represent a change on the part of government policy. It means that Canada is finally catching up with the views that have been expressed by a number of countries around the world over the last several weeks.

It has been very troubling to me that the Government of Canada has been consistently behind the concerns that have been expressed by a great many other governments and countries, including the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Mr. Brown; the foreign minister, Mr. Miliband; the spokesman for international affairs for the European Union, Louis Michel; Secretary of State Clinton a couple of days ago; and a number of people who have been moving ahead.

It has been troubling for me as a Canadian to see that our government has been behind, but the glass is always either half full or half empty. I prefer to see it as half full. I am glad the minister has made the statement that he has made today with respect to the position of the Government of Canada. I had a chance to say that to him today. I also appreciate the comments made by theMinister of International Cooperation

A number of my colleagues in the Liberal Party will be speaking this evening, based on their own personal experience. I want to just say a couple of things. I have had an opportunity over the last decade to be involved in the terribly tragic situation in Sri Lanka. I think it is fair to say that like so many other people around the world who visited and who have been affected by what has gone on, it is a situation that has touched me a great deal.

Like my leader and friend, the Leader of the Opposition, I have lost friends: journalists, political leaders, activists on all sides of the conflict who are no longer with us because they have been killed. My experience is nothing in comparison with the experience of a great many people, many of whom are in the House tonight, who have lost family. I have seen whole towns destroyed by bombing. I have seen rubble stretching for miles on end.

I had an opportunity to meet with the rebel leaders in the Vanni in Sri Lanka nearly a decade ago after the ceasefire. I have since been back many times. I have spent many days and indeed weeks meeting with them as well as with Government of Sri Lanka trying to see if there was not a way of resolving the profound differences that exist between the two warring parties. Perhaps I can just provide the House with some observations as to where I think we need to be and where we need to go as a country in terms of our policy and our direction, and what the nature of the dispute in Sri Lanka really is.

I want to make it very clear that I am not one of those people who is carrying an argument on behalf of anyone. I have been around too much, I have seen too much mistrust and, frankly, I have seen too much bad behaviour, really bad behaviour, in terms of intimidation. in terms of assassination and in terms of steps that have been taken for me to turn around and say that one side in the dispute is all angels and one side in the dispute is all evil. It is more complex than that.

However, I do believe that there are a couple of things we need to understand and really focus on as a country. The majority in Sri Lanka, the Sinhalese people, have yet to make the critical decision that a majority in every country has to make at some point and that is a deep willingness, not just a verbal willingness or a willingness on paper, but a deep willingness to share power. They have not been able to make that in critical moments, in critical junctions in the history of the country. There have been times when they have come up to saying “Yes, this is something we should explore”, whether it is a federal model or a devolution model, whatever name we might happen to give to it, they have come to a certain point and then it is pulled back.

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There is a political contest in Sri Lanka between different political parties. When one party representing the majority says that it is prepared to go, then it is attacked as being weak by the other party, and when that other party gets into power and it recognizes that a compromise is necessary, it, in turn, gets criticized. That is the problem on the one side.

There clearly was a decision taken by the new administration led by President Rajapaksa to say that it would force a military solution to the conflict. I took great issue with it when I saw it unfolding and I was subject to rather intense criticism from the Government of Sri Lanka for taking that position. I thought it was a path that would not succeed and a path that would lead to tremendous human devastation and terrible consequences for the people in the north and east.

On the other side, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, like every gorilla army, at one point face a choice. It is a choice that was faced by the PLO and by the African National Congress. The choice is clear: Do we make the transition from essentially looking at the world through a military lens, through the lens of a gorilla army, and shift to political tactics and to becoming a political force , or do we maintain the war up to the end? The IRA faced the same choice.

Yes, we can say that this is a terrorist organization because it kills civilians, it carries out suicide bombings and it recruits children. However, let us be clear, behaviour can change. Behaviour is not a label that lasts for a lifetime.

[Translation]

It is always possible that the group will change its behaviour. That is why I worked very hard with all the Tamil Tiger leaders I met with several times to tell them they had to change. Otherwise, the world would decide to take a very difficult course of action.

I can clearly recall the conversation I had directly with Mr. Thamilselvan, who is now dead because he was killed by the Sri Lankan army. I told him that if the group did not change, the military conflict would continue and the outcome could not be guaranteed. And that is what we are seeing.

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It is perhaps not a very original thing to say that if we want to end a conflict then both sides need to change. Both sides need to understand that there needs to be a turning in the road and a change in behaviour.

As a Canadian I am very proud of the Canadians I have met who have been working in Sri Lanka, the young men and women who have been working on removing landmines before the Tsunami, which is now a much more difficult thing to do, and the aid workers. We have some fantastic aid workers who are working for all of the NGO organizations that the minister has named, as well as many others. They are risking their lives and their health. Many of us have family there. My friend from Dartmouth's sister is working as an aid worker in Sri Lanka. We have so many ties with this country, the ties that existed through the Commonwealth, the ties that have been hugely strengthened and changed by the hundreds of thousands of people of came to Canada.

I happened to be in office at the time in Ontario when we had a tremendous influx of Tamils coming in. Now we see their children doing brilliantly in school. We see such a tremendous new generation of Tamil Canadians growing up and it is an extraordinary thing to see.

Right now we are in the middle of a humanitarian disaster. It is a disaster that we could all see coming as the logical outcome of people looking for an exclusively military solution to this conflict. I was so pleased to hear the minister today say that the solution would not be found on the battlefields of Sri Lanka or in the jungles of the Vanni, that the solution would be found when people finally recognize that they need to talk.

Canada needs to be at the lead in those talks. We have an experience with devolution. We have an experience of a majority population understanding that it has to share power. We can argue with our friends in the Bloc Québécois about how fair that sharing is but, nevertheless, I am sure even those members would say that the Canadian federal example is one of civility. We can have our differences but they are based on civility. It is that value and that issue that we have to take forward.

This is a humanitarian tragedy and we need to debate this question going forward. We need to do everything we can, working with the Government of Sri Lanka and through whatever channels of communication we have with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, to say that both sides need to change. The perpetuation of an attempt to find a military solution to this conflict simply will not work and that is what needs to change.

I am very pleased to have been able to participate in the debate on behalf of my party.

(1925)

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Mr. Paul Dewar (Ottawa Centre, NDP):

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague, the member for Toronto Centre and a former leader of mine. He does understand, probably more than any of us, the intricacies of this issue.

I want to get straight to it. I do not want to descend into a debate that will take us to other places tonight. I think what we are here to do tonight is to discuss what Canada's role should be, what we can do productively, and how we can seek peace in a place where right now there does not seem to be a lot of hope.

The member referred to Mr. Miliband and others in the world community. I am wondering if he can give us some of his ideas of other international forums where we could advance the voice of peace and be constructive.

We are not at the United Nations Security Council. I know we want to have a chair there, but is it plausible for Canada to raise in the UN General Assembly the issue of ceasefire to the Security Council? How realistic is that idea, and what can we do to advance it? That is my first question to him.

Second, lately the Commonwealth has been a fairly dormant institution, but if it is not for this cause, then for what cause can it be? Does the member see any possibility in working with that institution as well?

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Hon. Bob Rae:

Mr. Speaker, it is a fair comment to say that the United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, Sir John Holmes, has spoken out about this. The Secretary-General has spoken out about it. It is very difficult. The Government of Sri Lanka very strongly resists any notion that the United Nations has jurisdiction over something they regard as an area of their national sovereignty.

I know my colleague, the member for Mount Royal, is one of the experts on this question of the doctrine of our responsibility to protect. At what point does the condition of a civilian population give the United Nations the right and the ability to intervene?

Mr.Gareth Evans, the former Australian foreign minister, now the president of the International Crisis Group, has talked extensively about this question, as has our leader, who was involved in drafting the protocol on the question of responsibility to protect.

I think the UN is going to be engaged administratively. Whether we can get the Security Council engaged is another question. Many powers on the Security Council may not be interested in seeing that happen.

I also agree with him that the Commonwealth is one mechanism.

I want to make one point and I do not want to engage in a debate with the minister or with others. The group that has to make a decision now, as much as any group, as to how it is going to proceed is the LTTE. It is up to the diaspora community in this country and around the world to ask this question of their friends, cousins, relatives and others: what do we think we are going to achieve by perpetuating a military conflict in the way it has been conducted over the last while?

I think we have to recognize that this was what the Tokyo group was saying yesterday, and I think it is something Canada should support.

(1930)

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Hon. John McKay (Scarborough—Guildwood, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate the hon. member on a very knowledgeable speech on this area. I know he has been there many times.

I would suggest that in his capacity as a participant in the Forum of Federations, there was a significant opportunity a few years ago to talk at a meaningful level to the various actors in the piece about the issue of whether a devolved federation could in fact be achieved.

Since this war is unwinnable and there is no military solution to it, is that still the starting point once hostilities cease, as they inevitably will? Is that a starting point for the participants?

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Hon. Bob Rae:

Mr. Speaker, in December 2002 I was in Oslo when both parties agreed that they would use federalism as the basis for future discussion. Can we return to that? I personally hope that we can in some way. Let us not forget that the basis of federalism is self-government and shared government. That is the decision we made as a country, historically, in the years leading up 1867: self-government and shared government.

That is one of the ways in which one could look at finding a solution that would allow the island to remain as one, which is a very important objective of the majority, and at the same time provide for some self-government for the Tamil community.

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Hon. Irwin Cotler (Mount Royal, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I want to begin by commending my colleague, the member of Parliament for Toronto Centre, for his moving statement this evening. I do not think any member in this House has the experience and expertise that he has in this matter. His statement reflected his own sustained personal and professional involvement in this matter, and we should both heed and act upon his words.

Today Sri Lanka commemorates its independence day. We are home to the largest number of the Tamil diaspora outside of south Asia. Tamil Canadians are gathering to mourn the loss of innocent civilians who have been killed in hostilities with the Sri Lankan government. Indeed, we grieve with them for the deaths of innocents and the death of innocence, as well as for the ongoing violations of human rights and humanitarian law. As we meet, over a quarter of a million Tamil civilians are trapped within a 300 square kilometre conflict area. They are in need of urgent medical care, humanitarian assistance, media access and independent verification with respect to the conflict situation.

As the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, recently stated:

It is the Government's duty to provide safety to all Sri Lanka's citizens, whatever their ethnic origin or political views. That means not only protecting civilians during military operations in the north, but also ensuring space for journalists and human rights defenders to seek out the truth and expose abuses.

As we meet, candlelight vigils are taking place in Canadian cities this evening, urging the Canadian government to, among other things, take decisive action to end the unfolding humanitarian crisis. They will be lamenting the deaths of innocents and innocence. However, the question for us this evening is not only to lament what is happening, not only to grieve with respect to the death of innocents, but to undertake those necessary initiatives to protect human security, to promote the peace and to put an end to the human suffering.

I appreciate the statements made on behalf of the government this evening, statements that included a commitment with regard to humanitarian assistance and a framework for conflict resolution.

(1935)

Again I say that we in Canada have a particular nexus to this conflict, for all the reasons mentioned in particular this evening by my learned colleague. The initiatives that can be taken have been referenced this evening, and I do not want to repeat them. I want only to identify them in terms of a sequenced framework.

First is an immediate ceasefire with a framework for a sustained and enduring end to hostilities, for while an immediate ceasefire is necessary, it is not enough. We need an accompanying framework to ensure that the ceasefire will be sustained and will endure.

Second, we need a return to the negotiating table for the mediation of a peaceful resolution to the armed conflict in Sri Lanka. That solution will include what a government representative mentioned this evening, an equitable power sharing arrangement within the framework of a federalist orientation, as my colleague has mentioned. Canada can play a particular role with respect both to the federalist framework and to the protection of minority rights within that federalist framework.

Third is that the Sri Lankan government must allow the free flow of humanitarian aid to the conflict zone and allow international aid workers unimpeded access to the affected areas.

The fourth item is that journalists must be given and allowed unfettered access to the conflict area so that they can not only report on the current situation in the north and east but also determine the nature and scope of assaults on press freedom.

Fifth, all parties must be called upon to respect the rights of civilians in armed conflict and to adhere to human rights and humanitarian law norms, including--and here I make this particular appeal to the Sri Lankan government--ceasing and desisting from any targeting of civilians and protected persons and from targeting those in protected zones.

Sixth, we must support the call for the appointment of a United Nations special envoy for Sri Lanka to monitor and guard against abuses and to assist the peace process, as has been recommended by the United Nations itself, by the United States Department of State and by other international actors.

Finally, I have excerpts of letters of the past six U.S. ambassadors to Sri Lanka, which have been echoed in other international comments in that regard. They make the point that in fact, the major threat to democracy and the rule of law in Sri Lanka has not only been that which has come from the actions of the government or that which has come from the actions of the LTTE; we need to appreciate the threats that come from those who wish to undermine constitutionalism, who seek to undermine the rule of law, who seek to undermine the independence of the judiciary and the proper functioning of public institutions.

In conclusion, we need to guard against the abuse of authority to destroy dissent.

The concerns I cited above are the major causes of the serious deterioration of the rule of law, human rights and democracy in Sri Lanka.

In concert with the government and the international community, there is a lot for us as a House to do to put an end to the suffering in Sri Lanka, to protect human security and to promote peace.

(1940)

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Hon. Judy Sgro (York West, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, may I congratulate the hon. member. He has spent his life fighting on human rights issues and knows this issue very well.

We talk about intervention from the UN. For quite a long time now the UN has been recommending that someone with an observer status should be there. I seem to have little faith in seeing that the UN really accomplishes something at the end of the day.

Your recommendations on the things that need to be done are clear examples, and I would hope that the government would respond to them very actively to try to help resolve this terrible conflict.

What other suggestions would you have vis-à-vis the United Nations? What other things could we possibly be doing? We could certainly ride the government, which has finally wakened up in recognizing the issue after my asking questions for at least two or three years. I know my colleagues have done the same.

From your experience, what else should we be trying to do?

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The Deputy Speaker:

I would just remind the hon. member for York West to address comments through the Chair and not directly to other members.

The hon. member for Mount Royal.

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Hon. Irwin Cotler:

Mr. Speaker, I want to share my colleague's skepticism, if I may put it that way and I hope I am not unduly attributing an attitude to her, with respect to the United Nations. If we look at the role of the United Nations with regard to Sri Lanka, regrettably the United Nations has not been sufficiently engaged.

If we look at the work of the United Nations Human Rights Council, which succeeded the somewhat discredited predecessor, the United Nations human rights commission, it has yet to even take up the question of the conflict in Sri Lanka. In all the emergency sessions that have taken place, and there have been 10 emergency sessions, not one session has been devoted to Sri Lanka. In the 25 resolutions that have been passed since the advent of the UN Human Rights Council itself in 2006, not one resolution has been passed with respect to Sri Lanka.

Therefore, I understand the skepticism and that is why I began by limiting my remarks to the appointment of a UN special envoy for Sri Lanka, with an appropriate authority with respect to the investigation, monitoring and protecting against human rights abuses in the conflict area, that would report back not only to the United Nations General Assembly and the like but hopefully will spearhead a further engagement by the United Nations at the General Assembly level, and in particular at the level of the United Nations Human Rights Council.

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Mr. Paul Dewar (Ottawa Centre, NDP):

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the member for his interventions and his background in the area of international law. I have a fairly quick question about Canada's role and next steps, as he provided a couple of ideas for us.

One of the dilemmas he has had, and I know he has studied the R2P, is that if we do not have a body like the United Nations to be able to be engaged with it, when we call on Canada and other countries such as the U.K. and Norway to provide a ceasefire, how do we do that without having an institution like the UN and the Security Council involved? If not the UN, then how? If not another country, then how can Canada do that and how can Canada provide a support for a ceasefire?

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Hon. Irwin Cotler:

Mr. Speaker, as the hon. member appreciates, the responsibility to protect, a doctrine which Canada had a singular involvement in developing and articulating, invites intervention only if the state is unwilling or unable to do anything about human rights violations in its midst, or in fact is the author of such human rights violations. Of course, for that responsibility to protect intervention to be authorized, it requires a United Nations Security Council resolution and that has been difficult to obtain.

It would appear at this moment that what is needed would be an emergency United Nations Security Council resolution to put an end to the hostilities, to call for a ceasefire. We were able to do that with United Nations Security Council resolution 1680 with respect to the hostilities in Gaza. There is no reason that we should not be able to have the United Nations Security Council convene and put an end to the hostilities here.

(1945)

[Translation]

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Mr. Paul Crête (Montmagny—L'Islet—Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup, BQ):

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to participate in this debate today even though it is a very difficult situation. We hope it will end as soon as possible. I feel we should thank the NDP who asked for this special debate and the Speaker for granting the request. This is an emergency debate. Therefore, Parliament has recognized the urgent nature of the situation. I believe that this also exemplifies democracy in action. Above all, we should thank the Tamil communities in Quebec and Canada, who have made extraordinary, heartfelt representations here in Ottawa over the past two days.

Often at the end of a debate, we wonder if we have accomplished anything, if our efforts have made it possible to achieve results. Today, the minister's press release indicates a change in the Government of Canada's position. Two days ago, they would not ask for a ceasefire. Now, the Government of Canada is calling for just that. I believe that this is the result of the actions of people who met with all members of the House of Commons, in groups and individually. It must not end here; these efforts must be only the beginning.

I am not an expert on Sri Lanka. I first heard about this country and the Tamil situation from a young man from Toronto, who was part of a Katimavik group in my riding in Quebec. My community is quite homogeneous and almost entirely francophone. But this allowed me to gain some understanding of the life led by the inhabitants of Sri Lanka and to learn about its history, it geographical location next to India and the population movements between these two countries, the two realities and the historical evolution. I will not speak at length, for example, about the European conquests. We know that during the Portuguese and Dutch periods, there were almost separate administrations for the Tamils and for the other peoples of Sri Lanka. While under British rule, the two groups were united with historical consequences leading to today's situation.

In light of this, I will build on the speech by the spokesman for the official opposition, the Liberal Party. It is true that various possible models could develop. In every country in the world, the appropriate model must develop in a peaceful environment, as much as is possible. It could be a federal model or a model with two sovereign states existing side by side. However, we must first find strategies to allow us to peacefully take action. It is now an emergency situation. There is a war and it must be ended as quickly as possible. We know that the situation in Sri Lanka has become intolerable.

Fighting between government forces and the Tamil Tigers has intensified and threatens the lives of numerous civilians. They are not just threatening lives, they are currently killing many civilians. When a civilian population is held hostage in a struggle such as this, a solution must be found so that the killing can stop.

And so, the Canadian government's position today—demanding an immediate and complete ceasefire—should be applauded. We could have wished for this earlier, but it is confirmed and we must move ahead with it. We have to find a way to ensure that it is not only declared here but that the message is spread elsewhere, be it to the UN Security Council, the UN General Assembly, the Commonwealth, as was mentioned earlier, and creates an awareness around the world that gets us to the point where these arguments are heard and get conclusive results.

Think about similar debates. Take South Africa, for instance. We must think about the measures proposed at that time to fight apartheid. There were international movements, the Commonwealth acted, Canada took a stance, many other countries in the world took a stance and, eventually, with peaceful determination, a solution was found.

(1950)

And then there was the Irish situation. It was the same kind of very difficult situation, with a long, sad history. In the end, however, solutions were found.

In this case, the situation is still in a crisis period. It appears that neither side wants to put an end to the conflict. Ultimately, both sides have to want it to end. That is important.

Consider the call issued earlier to the Sri Lankan population and its diaspora. Communication must go both ways—for both groups—and it must be understood that, when all is said and done, there will be no winners unless a ceasefire is reached and new mechanisms are found to allow people to talk to each other.

In that sense, the Canadian government must pay even greater attention to the situation in Sri Lanka. We have seen this in how the many more voices have been heard over the past few days. We hope this continues and that the momentum is not lost because, otherwise, the debate will be over, people will return to their homes and there will be other pressing issues. This is a terrible situation that must absolutely be remedied.

We must demand an immediate ceasefire to ensure greater security for the civilian population. We must also ensure that international humanitarian organizations have full access to the conflict zones in order to be able to get aid to the civilian population. During a conflict, when humanitarian organizations can no longer guarantee the safety of their own members, it becomes very difficult to achieve any real humanitarian action on the ground. In that respect, both parties must absolutely be held accountable. We must find a way to make them accountable for their behaviour to the international community or the situation will not improve.

Canada must work within international organizations to find a lasting solution that works for both communities in Sri Lanka. We have no intention of blaming anyone or pointing any fingers. We simply want to find a way to restore peace temporarily and put an end to the current fighting.

This is not an easy situation to resolve. We know that Tamils represent 18% of the Sri Lankan population. They are Hindu, and they live in the northeastern part of the country. Relationships have varied depending on the occupying power—Great Britain or those that preceded it, for example. Apparently, the road to independence was a relatively peaceful one. The problem arose when the government chose to recognize only one official language and to create a centralized unitary government. That was a big mistake. Unfortunately, widespread anger erupted in violence. We are not here to judge; we are here to understand and to see what we can do to turn things around and find a more acceptable way of doing things. Over the past few years, both sides have radicalized and things are more difficult now than ever before.

In this context, military measures have proven unsuccessful. Both the government and the Tamil movement have taken major military action. Each side has its own history and reasons for the position it has taken. It will not be easy to help the two parties see eye to eye.

Unfortunately, the war between the two sides has killed 60,000 and caused 11,000 more to disappear. Is that not the most powerful argument we can present to both sides? We in Canada and Quebec must use that argument to tell the international community that the conflict must cease. We also have to address the fact that both sides have sizeable armed forces. In the past, both sides—the government and the opposition movement—have taken very violent action. Things have gotten so extreme that there is a real stalemate. That is the first thing we have to realize.

(1955)

I want to come back to the statement the Secretary of State made earlier. It is very important that the Government of Canada make careful distinctions and explain the difference between the Tamil people, the movement and the groups that behave unacceptably. Not drawing these distinctions hinders the possibility of achieving peace once the complex web of situations has been untangled.

In 2002, the Sri Lankan government and the rebels signed a ceasefire agreement. The agreement provided for a prisoner exchange, and it was even reported at the time that the rebels had stopped calling for independence, preferring autonomy. But the two parties never managed to reach a lasting peace agreement.

In 2005, the new Sri Lankan president took a hard-line approach to the Tamil rebels. He rejected the possibility of granting autonomy to the eastern and northern regions of Sri Lanka. He stated that he was going to review the entire peace process. In 2006, the Tamil rebels pulled out of the peace talks, because the parties did not trust each other and the Tamil rebels believed the government was plotting against them. There were sporadic offensives and provocations on both sides.

Last year, the Sri Lankan government made major breakthroughs and regained control of part of the east coast. When we look at the situation on a map today, we can see that the concentration of 250,000 to 300,000 people in a very small area poses a huge problem. Today, there is heavy fighting, and because of the conflicts going on around the world, the international community may not have given this issue all the attention it deserves.

We are getting a reminder here today, a reminder being issued by this Parliament to the government, of course, but also to the Canadian people. This is a very important issue and we hope that similar steps are being taken in other parliaments, so that the momentum we see here today can continue to grow. All available tools must be used, whether through governments or parliamentary bodies of all kinds, perhaps even some that have direct or indirect connections to the Sri Lankan government. I think all available means must be used.

The humanitarian situation is what is most desperate. Since hostilities have resumed, the vast majority of the civilian population have been trapped between the army and the rebels. They are trying to leave the areas where the fighting is taking place, but the safe zones are getting smaller every day. This could be catastrophic. This situation is already tragic and the consequences are terrible. If some sort of action is not taken, such as a ceasefire, we could be faced with a humanitarian disaster.

According to International Committee of the Red Cross estimates, only half of the population managed to find refuge in the so-called safe zone, which is far too small to accommodate the entire population. For instance, it is estimated that between 10,000 and 15,000 families have moved to the coast, in an area without potable water. One can only imagine what these human beings are going through.

The UN Secretary General has expressed concern about the humanitarian situation in Sri Lanka. He is afraid that civilians will be trapped between the army and the rebels, and this is what we are seeing. The UN Secretary General already appealed to the two parties to respect no-fire zones, safe areas and civilian infrastructure. But it takes days, weeks and sometimes even months before such appeals are heard. Unfortunately, as we have seen in conflict after conflict, the outcome is often catastrophic for civilian populations.

How do we go beyond words and get the two parties to take action? I believe that this evening's debate is one thing we must do as parliamentarians.

On January 30, the UN Secretary General asked the Sri Lankan authorities and the rebels to let civilians flee the combat zones in the north for safe zones, even though these zones are under government control.

We can see how difficult the situation can be.

(2000)

The people are in their own part of the country, with their fellow citizens, and they are being asked to leave. Will there be an increase in the number of victims of this conflict? There is no easy solution to this problem.

According to the spokesperson for the humanitarian aid and emergency assistance coordinator in Sri Lanka, there are approximately 250,000 displaced civilians, who, in many cases, have been displaced 10 to 15 times in the past year. We can only imagine the sort of situation that forces people to move 10 to 15 times in a year, with no security in sight.

It has been one week since humanitarian convoys managed to reach the civilians affected by the conflict. The World Food Programme is continuing negotiations with the Sri Lankan government with a view to having it authorize a break in the fighting so that humanitarian convoys can reach the civilians caught between the two sides.

It is clear that the conflict is severe. Everyone here agrees on that. One often feels powerless in Parliament; one might wonder whether one's words have the power to make things happen. As I said at the beginning of my speech, I think that things have happened in Ottawa because of what people have said. We have to keep going in that direction. It is our responsibility as parliamentarians to use every democratic tool at our disposal to bring an end to this conflict as soon as possible.

When we talk about globalization, we often speak in economic terms, but we also have to speak in humanitarian and human terms. We can assess how effective our world and our systems are by looking at how we put an end to these conflicts. When a conflict ends and peace returns, that is when we can be satisfied with the results.

I will conclude with an example. Last summer, I went to Israel. I went to a café in Jerusalem, and I asked the server what the state of Israel wanted most. He told me that the priority was achieving peace. That reality, as true as it was in that context, holds true for Sri Lanka as well. I hope that the work we have done here tonight will give the government what it needs to move forward. I hope that it will be even more proactive in the international community. We have to do our part to put a stop to the killing and fighting and to reduce civilian casualties. When it comes to civilian casualties, the situation is really intolerable.

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis (Scarborough—Agincourt, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague from the Bloc for so eloquently and passionately explaining what is happening in Sri Lanka.

A couple of months ago, we saw what happened in Burma. There was a cyclone that devastated the whole country and the generals were not allowing international aid to go in. Canadian teams were stuck in Bangkok and while they were trying to get visas to get into Myanmar, they were told no. The international community, including this government, condemned that. Canadians of Burmese origin were saying R2P, responsibility to protect. Certainly, this was something that was moved in the United Nations and after a lot of pressure the generals opened their borders and teams were able to go in and help the innocent people who were devastated by the hurricane.

This is the same situation. We have a country, Sri Lanka, and a government not allowing international aid, reporters or international monitors to go in. Governments throughout the world have sort of taken a back seat, especially our government, whose members are presenting deaf ears to the problem. I think they have wax in between their ears. That is fine.

My question to my learned friend is this. Is this not something similar that would require the R2P, responsibility to protect, and especially of the Tamil nation? In Sri Lanka, there are two diasporas, two nations: the Tamil and Sinhalese. In Canada, we have a large Tamil diaspora as well as a sizable Sinhalese diaspora. Should our Prime Minister not go to the United Nations, or send our Minister of Foreign of Foreign Affairs and say he has to go and introduce this, stand up on two feet, provoke and say to them, “responsibility to protect”?

Furthermore, if they are not willing to do it and are not moving, should we not do what we did with Pakistan when Pakistan exploded the nuclear bomb? We got it completely out of the Commonwealth. Should we not also exercise those means and any means possible to make sure that the government of Sri Lanka is responsible for its people?

(2005)

[Translation]

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Mr. Paul Crête:

Mr. Speaker, my colleague's thoughts and question are interesting. I will refer to the first response given by the Minister of Foreign Affairs during Monday's question period. I think it was the leader of the Liberal opposition who asked what he had done, what his government was doing. He began by saying that he had spoken to the Sri Lankan minister of foreign affairs. We can see that in between that response and the current demand for a ceasefire, progress has been made.

We must be realistic and realize that we are dealing with a country that, traditionally, does not respond to United Nations demands. So we must have a variety of alliances and ensure that all of the countries that can influence Sri Lanka are acting together. Then there is a way forward for the government's second action point, which aims to support the statement made by the co-chairs of the Tokyo Donor Conference on Reconstruction and Development of Sri Lanka (Norway, Japan, the United States and the European Union). It also includes people who contribute financially to the reconstruction.

We must move from looking as though we are tolerating the situation to sending a clear message, with the entire international community, that we want a resolution and that we will use every legal tool and every economic argument we have to get across the need for a ceasefire.

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Mr. Jean Dorion (Longueuil—Pierre-Boucher, BQ):

Mr. Speaker, like my colleague from Montmagny—L'Islet—Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup, and like many others here this evening, I am so pleased we are having this debate. I also have personal reasons to be concerned about the situation in Sri Lanka. I worked at the Quebec department of cultural affairs and immigration in the early 1980s, when we saw the first Tamil refugees arrive in Quebec. I served as a liaison officer with the Tamil community and, at the time, I knew them in a context that was in no way bureaucratic; rather, it was in a context of community initiatives, celebrations and cultural events. I got to know some of them quite well and I became convinced that it was not on a whim that thousands of these of people fled their country to come and settle in ours. They had been subject to brutal repression.

Canada would be well advised to intervene to ensure that a ceasefire is declared, as so many people are calling for at this time.

I would also like to congratulate the Tamil community for its very orderly manner of demonstrating this afternoon. It impressed many people.

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Mr. Paul Crête:

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for Longueuil—Pierre-Boucher for his speech. I would also like to thank him for sharing his knowledge of this matter. Quebeckers share a special bond with Tamils who have settled in Quebec.

As the Liberal foreign affairs critic mentioned, here in Canada we have developed a certain model. Naturally, the members of the Bloc, and Quebeckers in general, are not completely satisfied, but we are conducting a democratic debate. We hope that we will finally arrive at a model where two neighbouring countries will be able to collaborate. There is that possibility. We defended ourselves and we won the opportunity to have things done through a democratic debate. We hope that, throughout the world, this same reality will take hold, especially in areas where a state of crisis or deaths result from the inability to find a modus vivendi. That is why the Tamils and the Sri Lankans cannot live peacefully side by side.

We must use every example, every opportunity and every argument required to find a solution to this situation that we find unacceptable.

(2010)

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Mr. Paul Dewar (Ottawa Centre, NDP):

Mr. Speaker, I would turn the attention of my colleague from the Bloc to the humanitarian crisis. Today we have learned that the use of cluster bombs has had an absolutely devastating outcome.

Canada signed on to the cluster bomb treaty. A facet of this conflict which is so horrific and morose is the use of cluster bombs by a government against the civilian population and at a hospital. This action must be decried in the most aggressive way.

What can we do to ensure that through the cluster bomb treaty we also make our voices heard on what is happening in Sri Lanka?

[Translation]

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Mr. Paul Crête:

Mr. Speaker, assessing conflict from a distance is never easy. Today, in La Presse, there was an article entitled “Sri Lanka: the war of disinformation”. We do not necessarily have the tools we need to determine whether interventions are being carried out in compliance with international accords, whether, in the case of a civil war, harm is being minimized, or, most importantly, whether either side is using unacceptable weapons that cannot be justified in any case. That is an important area in which the international community can take action.

Today, we have ways of investigating things so that individuals can be brought to justice at the international level. We can also take certain actions when we witness these kinds of situations. We have all kinds of tools today, such as satellites and an on-the-ground presence. We have countless tools at our disposal. We need the international will to get an accurate picture and to enforce relevant sanctions when justified.

States must be reprimanded for unacceptable behaviour, and they must suffer diplomatic consequences, as well as economic and other consequences if necessary.

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Mr. Deepak Obhrai (Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, CPC):

Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the member for Kootenay—Columbia.

I join with my colleagues in the House of Commons to talk about the conflict in Sri Lanka. As has been stated in this House, this concerns Canadians very seriously not only because we have a large diaspora in this country, but this is a very important human rights issue.

Over a quarter of a century of armed conflict has had a profound and grim impact on Sri Lanka's civilian population. Because of this long-standing conflict, civilians have become the main casualties as indirect victims, and more sobering still, often as deliberate targets.

Let me say what this conflict is all about. This conflict has roots in the long-standing grievances of the Tamil community. These grievances, which have gone on over a long period of time after independence, have resulted in a lot of efforts by many Tamils, politicians and others. This organization was born but regretfully, this organization has taken a very serious and negative approach to solving the problem in Sri Lanka. In fact, it was listed by Canada as a terrorist organization. The minister of state has stated why Canada listed it as a terrorist organization.

Not only that, if we go back in history, this organization was responsible, according to its own statements, for the assassination of the Indian prime minister. This organization has been recruiting child soldiers. This organization has been responsible for suicide bombings. This organization has been recognized as a terrorist organization because of those things. Canada has signed on to the war on terror which naturally will compel us to look at this organization as a terrorist organization because of these activities.

What is of critical importance is that there are a lot of Sri Lankan Tamils sitting in the gallery and they will remember that this organization also assassinated those who opposed it, including Tamil politicians in Sri Lanka who were looking for a peaceful solution.

Now is the time, with all this human suffering happening, to speak out. I agree with the opposition that it is time for Tamil Tigers to lay down their arms and stand up for the people, if they want to stand up for their people, and to engage in a dialogue. That is why Canada's Minister of Foreign Affairs has called for a dialogue.

Let me be very clear and blunt. At the current time, the Tamil Tigers are calling for the breakup of Sri Lanka, and the Government of Canada cannot accept that. We are calling upon the Tamil Tigers and the Tamil people and the diaspora here to apply pressure and return to dialogue. We understand that dialogue is not one way; it must be two way. In the same context, we are calling upon the Sri Lankan government to engage and ask for a ceasefire so that they can go back to the table.

As I have stated, the root cause of this was the grievances of the minority communities. Therefore, it is up to the Sri Lankan government to start building strong measures, to start building confidence for that day the Tamils can feel they are part and parcel of the Sri Lankan community, of the Sri Lankan country, and that they are not a marginalized community. We want the Sri Lankan government to start building.

Canada strongly supports the presence of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in Sri Lanka with the full mandate to report on the human rights situation. Once there is accountability and transparency on the human rights situation, and there are confidence building measures, the Tamil community will feel confident and a dialogue can start to take place. This is the key thing right now, because if the Sri Lankan government does not extend the hand of friendship and confidence building, the conflict will carry on.

(2015)

From all the reports that have been coming in, we all know of the humanitarian crisis that is taking place because of the ongoing conflict. That humanitarian crisis has been stated by every member in the House as to what is happening there. Nobody is happy about it. The international community is extremely concerned. The Government of Canada is extremely concerned. In that respect, the Minister of Foreign Affairs has made a phone call stating our position very clearly and putting strong pressure on the government of Sri Lanka to take responsibility and do what it needs to do. There is a higher degree of responsibility on the government of Sri Lanka, because it is a democratically elected government which is supposed to represent everyone. The government should be taking a lead role there.

As far as we are concerned, the Tamil Tigers should lay down their arms and start talking, but the Sri Lankan government must ensure that the Tamil community feels that they have a voice they can trust and can have a dialogue carry on to ensure that they are inclusive members of the democratic process in Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka is a democratic country. It has had democratic elections. I have been to Sri Lanka and have met Tamil politicians who are all working to ensure a peaceful and prosperous Sri Lanka. They can be included. I am sure the Tamil diaspora in Canada would be the first to support peace returning to their country, one country, Sri Lanka, working with everyone so that their relatives and everyone there can participate in the democratic process.

It is critically important that both sides start talking now. That is the position of the Government of Canada. That is the position of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Minister of State of Foreign Affairs for the Americas also elaborated on that. Of course we understand a humanitarian crisis is taking place and as the Minister of International Cooperation has stated, we have responded to this with the announcement of $3 million in assistance.

Yes, there is a problem. Yes, the Minister of International Cooperation has asked, does aid get into the region? There is no point in giving aid if it does not get into the region. We are working with our partners to ensure that aid gets into the region, but at the same time, we cannot overlook the other factors, such as the bombing of hospitals and the attacks on civilians, which cause serious concern.

Canada at this time is calling on the Tamil Tigers and the government of Sri Lanka to engage in a dialogue.

The issue of Canada listing Tamil Tigers as terrorists is something of the past. What is currently important is to get to the table and talk and stop the humanitarian crisis, stop the killing of civilians that is taking place so that aid can get into the area.

Canada supported the Norway process. We are very disappointed that the peace talks have collapsed and they have not moved forward.

We will continue working with the regional partners, with our international partners, with everyone here to put pressure on both sides to come to the table. Ultimately, if they do not come to the table, if they do not come to a peaceful resolution--and they already signed a peace agreement in Norway which was not kept by both parties--this time the international community must be very strong on both sides to ensure that they adhere to peace, and not just sign a piece of paper and then have these crises take place, as is what happened with the Norway process.

Once more, I must very clearly emphasize the Government of Canada's position. As the minister said today, we call on the Tamil Tigers to lay down their arms and engage in dialogue with the government of Sri Lanka. We call on the government of Sri Lanka to get on to the human rights issue and to get on to the peace process. We need to have the peace process so the humanitarian crisis is stopped.

(2020)

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Mr. Andrew Kania (Brampton West, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, my friend spent at least half of his time attacking one side of the conflict. I do not think that is constructive. We are here tonight on an emergency basis to discuss a tragedy. What are we going to do about it?

The piece of paper that was released by the government today with its plan is something that should have been released months ago, not today. The $3 million is a pittance. The government is talking about a $100 billion deficit over five years. Three million dollars will do very little, even if it reaches where it needs to go.

My question to my friend is, I hear the words, but what is the government actually going to do now to see that this is implemented? Who is going for a meeting with the Sri Lankan government? Who is actually going to do something to try to get a ceasefire and to end this 300,000 person humanitarian tragedy?

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Mr. Deepak Obhrai:

Mr. Speaker, I know the member is a new to the House of Commons, and I congratulate him on his election.

I allude to that because if he were here in the last Parliament, I made many statements as parliamentary secretary on the conflict in Sri Lanka, calling for peace and for both sides to come to the table. This is not something, as he alluded to, that we got up one morning and started to do this. The government has been engaged in this issue for a long time. We have been talking to the Sri Lankan government on this issue. We have our ambassador actively engaged in that issue. In fact, I was part of the Sri Lanka-Canada Friendship Society to ensure that we were engaged with Sri Lanka.

The second part of his question was what would we do now that we had made the announcement. The Government of Canada is, as the Minister of International Cooperation has stated, working with agencies that have assured us that the aid will reach the people whom it is supposed to reach. That is why she listed the organizations. We will keep an eye on this.

We are engaged also with the government of Sri Lanka and with the other international partners to ensure pressure is put on to get to the table for a dialogue.

(2025)

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Hon. John McKay (Scarborough—Guildwood, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I take the hon. member at his word then when he says that the Government of Canada is extremely concerned about the situation.

Like my friend, the previous questioner, it would have been a little more believable had this expression of concern come a bit earlier. Nevertheless, I take him at his word that the government is extremely concerned. Therefore, the Government of Canada should be interacting with the government of Sri Lanka.

Could he detail for the House the interactions that he has had, or the minister has had, with the High Commissioner for Sri Lanka in Canada in the past 10 days or 2 weeks?

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Mr. Deepak Obhrai:

Mr. Speaker, as I have stated, we have been consumed with this issue for a while.

We have been engaged, as the government has stated. The Minister of Foreign Affairs even talked to the minister of foreign affairs for Sri Lanka as well.

We are also constantly engaged with the government and with the High Commissioner. At any given time, we have stated to them that there is a necessary need for them to get down to a dialogue. We were very unhappy when the peace process broke down and fighting was resumed.

There are two parties. One party is calling for the break-up. With the other party, we have a concern about human rights. We are calling on both parties to get to the table and to work for the betterment of Sri Lanka.

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Hon. Jim Abbott (Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of International Cooperation, CPC):

Mr. Speaker, as the minister of state and the Minister of International Cooperation have already stated, Canada is deeply concerned. Like all Canadians I, too, am disheartened by the violence that has been sweeping through Sri Lanka and the impact this has had on the people of Sri Lanka.

Here in Canada we are lucky to have such a safe and secure country, but so many countries around the world face persistent challenges to the security of their country and the well-being of their citizens. We have a history, as a people, of listening to the needs of people around the world and answering their calls for help.

It is important to recognize that the last few years have been particularly challenging for the Sri Lankans, which is why Canada has been part of providing the support to those in need.

Last November, tropical storm Nisha hit Sri Lanka, causing citizens to leave their homes, which created a great need for humanitarian relief. The Government of Canada has been able to play an important role in helping those in need.

Today, international aid workers continue to do the necessary work in the region with the support of the Canadian government, however, the ongoing conflict between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam has intensified. Canada is monitoring the situation in Sri Lanka closely. As we have in the past, we are offering much needed support.

In 2008 Canada supported the people of Sri Lanka with almost $3 million in humanitarian assistance, including $1.5 million for food aid through the World Food Programme. The crucial funding we provided helped to support Sri Lankans with emergency medical supplies, food, water and other necessities.

Canada remains a proud partner with organizations such as Care Canada, Doctors Without Borders, World Vision and the World Food Programme, which are working hard to alleviate the suffering of those affected in the region.

I have heard this question tonight: how do we know the aid will get to where it should go? If the members do not have confidence in the government, that is fine, that is their perspective, but I have confidence in the government. More than that, I have confidence in the NGOs like World Vision, the World Food Programme, Care Canada, Doctors Without Borders. Their lives and their organizations are dedicated to getting the job done, which is why the partnership of CIDA with those organizations is so important. We know that the access to basic needs of food, water and shelter and medical care will continue to be a challenge. We have all sorts of faith in the ability of those organizations to get the job done.

In the face of this armed conflict, Canada along with the international community is supporting efforts to reach a peaceful solution. Canada is also giving its ongoing support to humanitarian efforts, as I have said. It is important that we express our concern for the health and well-being of the great number of Sri Lankans affected by the insecurity. We understand the needs of those who have fled their homes are great. With the onslaught of the monsoon rains, food, assistance, clean water, as well as shelter are also important priorities.

Canada is working to ensure that our aid reaches the people who need it most and that those self-sacrificing aid workers are safe to return home when the necessary help they are providing has been delivered.

The citizens and international aid workers who end up in the crossfire in this conflict are of great concern to us. In their name, we have continued to support those in need and hope for a peaceful resolution to this political crisis.

As we have said repeatedly, and I know other members in this debate have said, we call on the parties in the conflict in Sri Lanka to respect international law and for the government of Sri Lanka to ensure the safety of its citizens. Once an end to this conflict is achieved, we can help the citizens of Sri Lanka return to their normal lives and begin a process of reconciliation and building. We will continue to monitor the situation closely, as I have stated.

(2030)

The $3 million announced by the minister is assistance that builds on Canada's $3 million contribution made last year to support key efforts in Sri Lanka. As I have stated, through trusted humanitarian partners, including the Red Cross and World Vision, the Government of Canada has helped to provide emergency medical support, emergency food assistance, shelter, water and sanitation services, protection, health and hygiene education, as well as emergency preparedness training.

Canada is committed to working with our partners to help coordinate global emergency efforts.

Canadian development experts work with other humanitarian agencies already in Sri Lanka to ensure an effective and coordinated overall response.

Our government believes that the UN's central emergency response fund, or CERF, is essential in providing immediate support for people affected by crises. The CERF distributes money quickly to humanitarian organizations to help save lives. As a major contributor to the CERF, Canada is pleased to be a leader in responding to humanitarian emergencies abroad.

Restoring stability in Sri Lanka is vital to our humanitarian efforts throughout Asia and for the future of Sri Lanka and its neighbours. We know that the ongoing crisis has disrupted the lives of hundreds of thousands of Sri Lankans. We understand that many families have been displaced, homes have been destroyed,and people have had to flee.

As has been stated many times, it is essential to ensure that an end is put to this conflict that has pervaded Sri Lanka for so long. We must ensure that as soon as possible the lives of those impacted can be rebuilt and stable support measures put in place.

Canada stands ready to do its part. Support for the sick, wounded and those in need is necessary. With our support, those caught in the middle of the conflict can be evacuated and emergency assistance can be provided.

Canadians understand that development and security go hand in hand. Without security, there can be no reconstruction, no humanitarian aid, no democratic development.

It is my sincere hope that peace will come to Sri Lanka and the people of that country have a resolution to this crisis. We must make every effort to ensure that Sri Lankans get the immediate help they need. We must do everything in our power to ensure that the situation does not deteriorate further.

In the face of this humanitarian crisis, Canada stands ready to do its part. Simply put, it is the right thing to do.

As in the past, we will offer the support necessary for those in need to deliver humanitarian aid and with our partners on the ground we will work to put Sri Lanka on a strong and stable path.

(2035)

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis (Scarborough—Agincourt, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I listened to the member with interest because he is the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of International Cooperation.

When the minister spoke, she alluded to the fact that the present government had better partners on the ground than previous governments. The parliamentary secretary mentioned CARE, World Vision and the Red Cross. I sat here and wondered what had changed and what was different than when the Liberal government was in office and the tsunami struck. They are the same names, the same people.

Could the member clarify for me the comments by the minister? Was the minister aware of what she was saying, or was this a speech that was written? Have CARE, the Red Cross, World Vision become better and they misled previous governments, or were the previous governments stupid when they did business with the same people? Are the same people on the ground delivering stuff now? I am either totally confused or these people are not the same.

Have these people changed or are you just blowing smoke?

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The Deputy Speaker:

I would just remind the hon. member to address his comments through the chair.

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Hon. Jim Abbott:

Mr. Speaker, it has been very interesting to listen to this debate tonight. By and large, there have been tremendously constructive comments, some differences of opinion, some concerns about timing, all of which are absolutely valid.

The question the member has put to me is one born of a very partisan perspective. I do not know the purpose of the question.

Since our government has taken over, we have done a tremendous amount of work in terms of accountability, which is not to say that we have had any serious questions about those agencies, as he seems to be alluding. The fact is we are putting in place an accountability for the people of Canada that the money, the assets, will be going to the people for whom it is intended.

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Hon. Dan McTeague (Pickering—Scarborough East, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I want to pursue that with my good friend and colleague, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of International Cooperation.

In 2005 when the tsunami hit that region, and of course parts within that same area, our government response was within literally hours. We had deployed, from 8th Wing division from Trenton, a jet which contained medicines, pills to render water potable, cans that would allow them to contain or to pick up water, and tents.

Obviously, the situation is somewhat different here, significantly different in the sense that a ceasefire would have to be obtained first, and I think our colleagues here on this side of the House have provided very constructive directions as to how to engage not only with the international fora but also to provide constructive assistance to the government so that it can provide aid.

I want to ask the hon. member, has he taken up the question of access to that country with the Sri Lankan high commissioner, who today issued a letter which talked about disinformation, which in my view is not constructive? Will he undertake to speak to the high commissioner--

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The Deputy Speaker:

The hon. Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of International Cooperation.

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Hon. Jim Abbott:

Mr. Speaker, as the member will be well aware, parliamentary secretaries, ministers of state, my minister, and the foreign affairs minister, all have our own responsibilities, and within that context, his question is a perfectly valid question. Would I be the person who would be doing the speaking? Probably not. The constructive suggestions that have been coming out of this debate tonight have been very helpful on balance and I commend the vast majority of members in this House.

(2040)

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Mr. Paul Dewar (Ottawa Centre, NDP):

Mr. Speaker, I have a question regarding the $3 million. He mentioned in his comments that last year we supplied $3 million in aid. I am wondering about the announcement, I see the minister here, that was made today. Is that extra? Is that in addition to the $3 million that we had last year and will we therefore be supplying $6 million this year, or will it be only $3 million?

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Hon. Jim Abbott:

Mr. Speaker, the answer to the question is, as I stated in my speech, this is a new $3 million for a total of $6 million. That is exactly it and I am just confirming that number for the member.

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Hon. Maria Minna (Beaches—East York, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the members for Scarborough—Agincourt, Scarborough—Guildwood and Mississauga East—Cooksville.

I had the pleasure of visiting Sri Lanka twice. The first time was for a conference, but the second time I led an all-party parliamentary delegation to Sri Lanka as the chair of the Canada-Sri Lanka Parliamentary Association right after the tsunami, both to view the disaster of the tsunami and to ensure that moneys were actually going into reconstruction areas, but also to push for peace. In negotiations at the time there was still a ceasefire.

We met with the government representatives of all the parties involved as well as the LTTE in the one area we visited. In the landmines area we spoke to a lot of people. Unfortunately, I have to say that I came away from that visit convinced that neither side was interested in peace. That was what I drew from that visit. That is what I got from a lot of the discussions and meetings. The military solution, of course, which is what ensued, that lack of interest in the peace discussion, is what we have today which is the horrible humanitarian crisis which has trapped some 240,000 people in an area that they cannot get out of at the moment, but also, the many people it has injured, maimed and killed.

Canada was very active in putting forward and fighting for what is called responsibility to protect, which is a declaration of the UN now. It is something that we need to act on to protect the people. That was put in place to protect people and states that are not able to protect their own citizens. To some degree, this is happening in Sri Lanka today. I would hope that the Sri Lankan government would allow the United Nations to come in and work with it.

According to the Human Rights Watch report, on the one hand the LTTE refused the movement of civilians, but the Sri Lankan government has also contributed to the risk by detaining those who have managed to flee LTTE areas, including families in militarized detention camps, thereby denying them freedom of movement. This is wrong and it should stop. The freedom of movement of these people and the protection of the vulnerable is fundamental.

It is the government's duty to provide safety to all citizens but also to ensure journalists and human rights defenders the freedom of movement to seek out the truth. This has been denied and this is something that we must change, and it needs to happen very quickly.

Again, close to 250,000 people whose lives are at stake at the moment seem to be abandoned and they are crying out to all of us. So I call on both parties to respect the safe zones, to respect the safe areas, and to respect the non-military attack of medical facilities, schools and so on. They need to respect humanitarian and international law. It is extremely critical and we need to demand that this happen at all cost.

Humanitarian aid must reach those in need and there needs to be an immediate ceasefire with international monitors put in place to ensure that it is respected. The UN should appoint a special representative to monitor the ceasefire and also to start the peace talks immediately.

The challenges facing Sri Lanka cannot be resolved by military activities but through political action. This must include, obviously, a dialogue on the kind of government, the sharing of power, possibly a federal system as Canada has, or something similar, but certainly sharing of power needs to happen. The agreement also needs to include the recognition of plurality and minority rights.

Canada has a major role to play in this crisis. We have a large Sri Lankan diaspora in Canada, who together in partnership with the government should be and will be involved. So I, too, call on our government to take leadership in this case, to go to Sri Lanka, to start the talks, to push and to aggressively take action. It has been too long and we have waited far too long.

It is time that the Government of Canada be aggressive on this issue with the United Nations. The Security Council of the UN should also be involved. We call on both sides to a ceasefire immediately and to start talking about a political solution because without that there is no solution, and Sri Lanka violence will continue even if the government succeeds in its objective with the military at the end of the day.

(2045)

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis (Scarborough—Agincourt, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, last week I held a round table with my constituents on the issue of Sri Lanka. These are some of the actions they want the Government of Canada to undertake: condemn immediately the slaughter and genocide of innocent Tamil civilians in the northern part of Sri Lanka by the Sri Lankan army; break its silence about the genocide in Sri Lanka and call upon the United Nations to immediately invoke an internationally sponsored ceasefire, for the LTTE to lay down its arms, and for the Sri Lankan army to return to their barracks. The ceasefire should not be initiated by the Sri Lankan government nor the Indian government. They want an international ceasefire started.

To continue: establish the international community as the administrator of the northern part of Sri Lanka; broker a peace deal with all participants, LTTE and the Sri Lankan government at the table; guarantee access and safe passage of international humanitarian agencies, ICRC, into the northern part of Sri Lanka to administer emergency medical assistance and provide food and shelter to the civilians; guarantee access and safe passage of the international news media into the northern part of Sri Lanka to talk with people and to report accurately on what is going on there so the facts will come out; ensure that fighting stops in safe zones near hospitals, and we have seen what happened with the bombing of a hospital just the other day; and finally, lobby for an international inquiry into the deaths of 300 people in a single day.

They went on to say that we should immediately send peacekeepers to the northern part of Sri Lanka, send medical personnel to the northern part of Sri Lanka, and immediately sever aid and other ties to Sri Lanka until the genocide stops.

Time and time again, I have sent letters to the Minister of International Cooperation, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Prime Minister saying that there is an international crisis happening in Sri Lanka. Please act. Time and time again I have asked the government to engage both the Tamil and Sinhalese diasporas in a dialogue so that we can find a peaceful solution to what is happening in Sri Lanka. Time and time again, it has unfortunately fallen on deaf ears.

It was not until the government and the Prime Minister were pushed to the nth degree. It was not until over the weekend, when literally thousands of emails, phone calls, faxes and letters went to the minister of external affairs as well as to the Prime Minister. It was not until this side of the House started pushing and pushing hard that the government decided to act. What do we have today? We have a statement that says it is too bad what is happening over there and we trust that the Sri Lankan government will certainly look after things. I still have not heard that we have called the high commissioner of Sri Lanka to the carpet to ask him or her to justify what is going on. I have not heard that should things not change, should this genocide that my constituents refer to not stop in Sri Lanka, we are going to recall our own high commissioner from Sri Lanka. I still have not heard how we would be able to make sure that humanitarian aid reaches the people it should reach.

I say this because of an experience that I had. Four years ago, right after the tsunami hit Sri Lanka, I went to Sri Lanka. I went to Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, the Elephant Pass, as they call it, and I walked the grounds and played with the kids. I spoke to mothers who had lost their relatives. I spoke to the children and played cricket with them. They are the same children we are seeing in photographs today who have been maimed, butchered and possibly killed.

Part of me is still back there with those kids on that cricket field and I have the minister of international aid standing up in this House and saying that we can do things better and that we will deliver the aid. How can the government deliver the aid if the government of Sri Lanka does not adhere to the wishes of the international community? I still have not heard from either minister or parliamentary secretary what they are going to do to guarantee that the $3 million aid we have will reach the people it must go to. I have heard platitudes and that we have a lot of experience. It is the same people who delivered the aid yesterday. It is the same people who delivered the aid before. And it is the same people who are going to be delivering the aid tomorrow.

However, it is those people who are saying to this House, and through you, Mr. Speaker, they are loudly speaking and saying that they cannot go because the government of Sri Lanka is not allowing them. When is the government going to go to the United Nations and push the United Nations for a debate? When is the government going to rise and say that if Sri Lanka does not change its ways, it is going to be kicked out of the Commonwealth? When is the government going to take the responsibility to meet with the Tamil diaspora in Canada and meet with them face to face? The Prime Minister has to sit down with them and say that he wants to speak to them. The government has failed so far.

(2050)

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Hon. John McKay (Scarborough—Guildwood, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, this conflict is a legacy of British colonialism. When the British occupied the island, when the island was then called Ceylon, they used the Tamil population, in effect, to protect British interests, in preference to the Tamil population over the Sinhalese population.

When independence came, the Sinhalese majority decided that it was time to take back what was then Ceylon, and now Sri Lanka, as its own and implemented a number of laws that were reprehensible to the minority Tamil population. The consequence of that was that the Tamil people were excluded from the civil service or it was very difficult to get into the civil service. They were unable to access higher education or they were excluded from higher education. These lists of difficulties, grievances, slights, injustices and outrages built and built until we have what we have today, which is a civil war that has raged over the last 30-plus years, the consequence of which is now that we are facing a very grave international crisis.

The conflict has been characterized by outrageous acts against humanity by both sides. Human Rights Watch has said that both sides have committed atrocities and that there are no innocents among the combatants. Meanwhile, the people of Sri Lanka suffer.

There was a window of opportunity a few years ago when I had the great honour to go to Sri Lanka with the hon. David Kilgour, the then secretary of state for Asia-Pacific. I believe we were the first official delegation from Canada to visit that country. We talked to pretty well anyone who would talk to us about the possibilities of a devolved form of federation and other political solutions. It was obvious to us after we returned that there was not a real serious interest by either side in a dialogue about a form of federation that would accommodate the most legitimate concerns about the minority population and the majority population.

We would listen to the peace monitors, we would listen to the people who were frustrated by the continuous violations of the ceasefire and we were driven to the conclusion that it would be only a matter of time before the hostilities would resume.

Then along came the tsunami which exacerbated the difficulties. One of my best friends was head of an aid agency there, well-funded, well-intentioned, well-motivated, well-staffed and they gave up after 18 months of frustration with both sides and the failure to be able to deliver their aid and their relief.

This is a small island of about 23 million people. It is about one-third minority population and two-thirds majority population in rough terms. There is no solution to this war. This conflict cannot be won militarily even if the Government of Sri Lanka is under the illusion that it can win this war militarily. As we watch this conflict unfold on our TV screens, in our newspapers and in various Sri Lankan media, it appalls us all. This is not a winnable war. No one will win the war. If the Government of Sri Lanka thinks it will win the war it will not. On the day after this conflict subsides, because it will not end, there will still be millions of Tamil people looking for peace, justice, fairness and access to their various government facilities.

What is the Government of Canada to do? There have been very good suggestions from the member for Toronto Centre and the member for Mount Royal, and I will not repeat them. I would have wished that the Government of Canada had taken a more activist role. It is regrettable that it takes events such as demonstrations on Parliament Hill and emergency debates to prod it into some action.

(2055)

I have the great honour to represent one of the largest Tamil constituencies in the country and it has been a very personal exercise for me to listen to literally dozens and dozens of people talk about the tragedy that is in their families and in their homes.

I would urge the Government of Canada to act along the lines that the member for Mount Royal and the member for Toronto Centre have urged.

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Mr. Paul Dewar (Ottawa Centre, NDP):

Mr. Speaker, one of the things that is important to lay down here is that as recently as October there was an effort by the other side, in this case by the Tamil tigers, to enter into a truce.

We now have what is really a war of attrition. We have the government saying basically that it will wipe out the Tamil tigers. We all know the history of that. It never happens. It only makes things worse.

What does the member think of the Sri Lankan government's notion that it can actually wipe out the rebel force and have peace in Sri Lanka?

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Hon. John McKay:

Mr. Speaker, the concern I have is that the Government of Sri Lanka is under some huge illusion that if it somehow or another eliminates the Tamil tigers, drives them into the sea and eliminates them as a force, somehow or another the conflict will be finished. That is utter naive nonsense. It is delusional on the part of the Government of Sri Lanka to think that somehow the injustices that the Tamil people have suffered over the years will disappear by virtue of driving the Tamil tigers into the sea.

I would urge our government to express that in the most forceful of terms to not only the high commissioner here, who is just down the road and I was rather surprised that the parliamentary secretary could tell us of no incidents in which they had talked to the high commissioner, but also to the foreign affairs minister, directly to their counterparts. This is something that needs to be expressed in the most forceful terms to the government.

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Hon. Albina Guarnieri (Mississauga East—Cooksville, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, today the world watches a human tragedy unfolding in Sri Lanka. The world should watch that conflict filled with guilt for failing to act, failing to care and failing to speak up against oppression and violence for half a century.

The history of this conflict begins and ends with a determinedly discriminatory government representing a majority ethnic group seeking to culturalize and marginalize a minority. As early as 1948, many Tamils were denied citizenship and rendered stateless. In 1956 the Sri Lankan government declared Sinhala the only state language, marginalizing the Tamil language which had been equal in the pre-colonial era. Buddhism became the exclusive state religion, again denying the Tamil identity.

In 1972, a blatantly racist quota system was imposed to limit the number of Tamils in university. The Sri Lankan government even abolished the section of its constitution that protected minority rights. Tamils were discriminated against in schools, the public service and the military.

In the 1960s, arson, vandalism and anti-Tamil riots killed 500 Tamils. In 1981, police burned down the library in Jaffna, destroying 95,000 ancient texts and manuscripts. Then, the darkest moment, in July 1983, over 3,000 Tamils were killed, many burned alive. Electoral lists were used to identify Tamil homes.

From the violence of 1983, the people of Sri Lanka were to suffer 25 years of civil war and 70,000 people lost their lives.

Both the government and the Tamil tigers, rebels, engaged in actions that violated every standard of armed conflict. Suicide bombings on one side, aerial bombardments of hospitals and schools on the other.

Since 2006, I have spoken of the campaign of atrocities that have included the execution of aid workers working for a French NGO, bombing of schools, a grenade attack on a church protecting refugees and countless individual cases of summary executions and torture.

Hundreds of Tamils have disappeared in Colombo after white vans left their homes. Sometimes their bodies are found and sometimes their bodies are dumped for effect near the Parliament. Mostly, they are never seen again.

The world community rose only once to stop the Sri Lankan government. On that rare occasion, the government was herding Tamils into crowded buses to be deported from Colombo. Such visible ethnic cleansing could not be allowed.

It is this history that should inform our view of the current military campaign. Today the Sri Lankan government remains indifferent to the Tamil civilians who lie in the wake of its military. The government makes it blatantly clear by its repeated use of cluster bombs against a civilian hospital that it is not worried about accusations of war crimes. In fact, it has refused to sign on to the Rome Statute that would make its leaders vulnerable to prosecution.

The U.S. secretary of state and the foreign secretary of the U.K. have called for a no-fire zone where civilians and refugees are now homeless, dying of snake bites and exposed to shelling and targeted bombardment by the government.

Canada can also speak up. Canada must call for international observers and peacekeepers to be deployed in towns in the north and east and that Tamil civilians be allowed to return home under international monitoring. This needs to happen now or this tragedy will continue to reach catastrophic proportions.

Canada can also demand that Sri Lanka submit fully to an international war crimes tribunal where the actions of leaders on all sides of this conflict can be investigated and judged. The suffering in Sri Lanka will continue as long as there is no legal consequence, no opportunity for justice and no international will to bring a just peace.

It was more than half a century ago that Winston Churchill hailed a Canadian airman as the saviour of Ceylon. Today, Canada should feel the same duty to help save a quarter of a million Tamil civilians whose only hope is the will of the world to protect them.

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis (Scarborough—Agincourt, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, if the rest of the world fails to act, we should look into the responsibility to protect. If Sri Lanka is not willing to listen to Canada, if it turns a blind eye to us, should we not call the High Commissioner from Sri Lanka on the carpet and tell him that Canada has spoken and it is time to listen?

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Hon. Albina Guarnieri:

Mr. Speaker, this conflict will require incredible determination on the part of all resources. I really believe the world decided in the 1940s that military objectives could no longer justify deliberate attacks on civilians. It will take an independent UN body to investigate alleged atrocities and bring some justice to the event.

I do not think, to be quite frank, that one individual will be able to bring a sustainable peace to the area. It will take the collective opinion and the collective will of all governments to ensure that a serious UN-led effort is required to reach that goal.

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Mr. Paul Dewar (Ottawa Centre, NDP):

Mr. Speaker, we have been trying to figure out what the next steps are for Canada. We have heard about the $3 million and the call for a ceasefire.

Canada is a participant in the UN General Assembly. Would her party and others join in to ask the Security Council to involve itself in Sri Lanka and put its stamp of approval on enforcing a ceasefire?

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Hon. Albina Guarnieri:

Mr. Speaker, any solution has to start with respect for civilian rights and an end to atrocities and violence. Then and only then the option that really offers peace is a form of self-government, which would allow Tamil people to be free from fear of their own government.

As I stated earlier, a serious UN-led effort is required to reach that goal. The member will find that our party will co-operate to the fullest to secure that peace.

[Translation]

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Hon. Lawrence Cannon (Minister of Foreign Affairs, CPC):

Mr. Speaker, I will be sharing my time with my hon. colleague from Oak Ridges—Markham.

Since the peace process was abandoned and the humanitarian and human rights situation in Sri Lanka deteriorated, Canada has made a very active and lasting commitment to that country. Today, Sri Lanka celebrates the 61st anniversary of its independence.

To all the citizens of Sri Lanka, we would like to express our wishes for a future of peace and prosperity.

[English]

However, today is also yet another day of an unfolding tragedy. We are witnessing another truly tragic chapter in the long-standing civil conflict that has ravaged Sri Lanka and causes great concern to Canadians.

That is why today, Canada calls upon the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to declare and to honour an immediate ceasefire to allow full, safe and unhindered access, the evacuation of the sick and wounded and the delivery of much needed humanitarian assistance to civilians.

The Minister of International Cooperation also announced today that Canada would provide up to $3 million in humanitarian assistance to Sri Lanka to help people affected by the current events. This funding will go to organizations like the Red Cross, World Vision, Médecins Sans Frontières and CARE Canada that have the capacity to deliver help on the ground. We continue to engage with Sri Lanka and to monitor the situation very closely.

For over two decades, as colleagues in the House have mentioned, a civil war has raged in Sri Lanka between the Sinhalese majority government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. This horrific conflict is responsible for an estimated 70,000 deaths to date, mostly civilians, and has induced an estimated 460,000 internally displaced people. Others have fled the country as refugees.

Canada has welcomed to our shores over 200,000 Sri Lankans, many of whom arrived as asylum seekers in the eighties and nineties, seeking refuge from this conflict.

In January of 2008, the government of Sri Lanka officially abrogated the 2002 ceasefire agreement, marking a dangerous turn in the long-running conflict. After more than a year of heavy fighting, in January of 2009, the government of Sri Lanka captured the last remaining bastions controlled by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil. These advances by the Sri Lankan army, coupled with the LTTE's decision to restrict the movement of civilians out of the conflict area, have resulted in mounting civilian casualties. Approximately 250,000 to 300,000 internally displaced people were trapped in the conflict area.

International efforts to persuade the government of Sri Lanka to allow full humanitarian access and to persuade the LTTE to allow civilians freedom of movement in the conflict area have failed. There remains probably only a short period of time before the LTTE loses control of all territory in the north and will subsequently retreat into the jungles and outlying villages, but at what additional cost to human life?

What is the future that the government of Sri Lanka envisages coming out of this face of their conflict? What does the LTTE wish to obtain by continuing this struggle?

Canada has voiced strong concerns about the recent developments in the conflict, particularly its impact on civilians, including humanitarian workers and human rights defenders, and the increasing attacks on independent journalists. Canada has taken action at the highest levels.

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[Translation]

On January 28, I issued a public statement expressing Canada's deep concern about the increasing number of civilian casualties and the humanitarian situation. I called on the parties to allow full, safe and unhindered access for humanitarian workers and to ensure the safe and voluntary movement of civilians from combat zones. I also indicated that Canada is concerned about the increase in attacks on journalists in Sri Lanka and urges the government of that country to conduct open and independent investigations into all these attacks.

[English]

On February 2, I called the Minister of Foreign Affairs to directly express these concerns.

[Translation]

Today, I issued another public statement:

Canada calls for the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to declare and honour an immediate ceasefire to allow full, safe and unhindered access; the evacuation of the sick and wounded; and the delivery of much-needed humanitarian assistance to civilians.

Canada endorses the statement released yesterday by the co-chairs of the Tokyo Donor Conference on Reconstruction and Development of Sri Lanka (Norway, Japan, the United States and the European Union). The statement proposes conditions to prevent further civilian casualties and human suffering and to achieve a just and lasting political solution.

[English]

Furthermore, on February 3, my officials called in the High Commissioner of Sri Lanka to Canada to emphasize Canada's concerns. Our officials in Colombo have been highly engaged on these troubling developments for many months and, in particular, over these critical past five days.

Our high commissioner in Colombo has engaged the Sri Lankan leadership at the highest levels to register Canada's grave concern over the safety of civilians in both the safety zone and the LTTE-controlled area in general and urged restraint in the conduct of military operations.

As well, we have urged increased attempts to communicate with both civilians and the LTTE, encouraging the former to leave and the latter to surrender.

We have argued, further, that every effort should be made to allow the ICRC, the United Nations and international aid agencies to deliver humanitarian assistance and that they be allowed to establish relief centres beyond the lines to provide support and relief to civilians to relocate to this area. Canada has stated that the government of Sri Lanka had unilaterally established the safe zone, had directed the ICRC, UN and civilians to go there and the government was, therefore, responsible for their safety and it was unacceptable for the Sri Lankan army to be firing into the area, even for counter-bombardment purposes.

Our high commissioner has and will continue to regularly meet and consult with the heads of mission of like-minded countries, in particular, the co-chairs of the peace process, to concert our efforts for maximum effectiveness.

Our high commission has and will remain in regular contact with leaders of international organizations engaged in humanitarian relief operations in Sri Lanka to ensure we have the best possible understanding of the challenges being faced.

With respect to the humanitarian issues, Canada has repeatedly raised its concern about limitations on humanitarian access with the government of Sri Lanka. Canada has raised these concerns in concert with like-minded countries. My senior officials raised these issues, specifically, in the bilateral meeting with the Sri Lankan foreign secretary in Ottawa in September 2008.

Canada will continue to voice our concerns at the highest levels to protect and provide safe passage of the IDPs.

The humanitarian rights situation in Sri Lanka has been alarming for some time. There have been unlawful killings by government agents, politically-motivated killings by paramilitary forces and the LTTE disappearances, arbitrary arrests and detention of Tamils accused of being LTTE supporters, torture, restrictions on freedom of movement and the recruitment of child soldiers by the LTTE.

I know my hon. colleague will be able to complete these messages, but we are extremely concerned.

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[Translation]

In closing, I want to reassure my colleagues that Canada remains ready to help the various parties reach such a solution and turn the page on this tragic chapter in Sri Lankan history.

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The Speaker:

I regret interrupting the hon. minister, but time has expired.

The hon. member for Scarborough—Agincourt.

[English]

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis (Scarborough—Agincourt, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I listened to the minister with great interest as he rhymed off figures and facts of what the government has done and what the government has not done.

I am wondering if he would answer one simple question. What has happened in Sri Lanka is a tragedy that is shared by many people, but there is a tragedy also to a particular element of our community in Canada. Canadians of Tamil descent are sponsoring their spouses from that part of the world. In any other post it would take anywhere between six to eight months. In Sri Lanka it is taking up to three years for a spousal sponsorship. They are asked to do more interviews. They are interviewed by CSIS. There are not enough personnel on the ground to ensure these interviews are done quickly.

Could the minister, in this House today, clarify for me, my constituents and the House why the Tamil population in Sri Lanka is being singled out and why it takes up to 300 times as much time to process an immigration file for a spouse of up to three years? I am wondering if the minister could be away from his wife for three years.

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Hon. Lawrence Cannon:

Mr. Speaker, my hon. colleague indicates our grave and deep concern in terms of the tragedy that is taking place in that part of the world and we are, as I think all parliamentarians here in the House, very supportive of those comments.

As for the latter part of the member's question, I would suggest that he raise the issue with my colleague, the Minister of Immigration, who is the minister responsible for that file.

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Mr. Paul Dewar (Ottawa Centre, NDP):

Mr. Speaker, the minister said a couple of things that are worthy of repeating. We have not heard it from the government so I am glad to hear it the acknowledgement that at this time last year it was the Sri Lankan government that broke off the truce that had been existing.

This past October, it was the tigers who asked for a suspension of violence and to enter into some form of truce and yet we have the Government of Sri Lanka which is bent on an attrition of the tigers. So we do not have someone there who is a fair-minded partner in trying to look for peace.

We are glad to hear that the government talked about a ceasefire. We are glad to see the aid but we need to do more. We talked in the House tonight about using the Commonwealth as a vehicle, pushing our voice at the Commonwealth, isolating the Government of Sri Lanka and to use our voice at the General Assembly of the United Nations to bring this to the Security Council. I would like to know what the minister thinks about those ideas and whether the government is willing to act on them.

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Hon. Lawrence Cannon:

Mr. Speaker, let us be perfectly clear on this government's intention. This issue is of the gravest concern to Canadians. We have indicated, in the strongest terms possible, our position, which is why we called for a ceasefire today and why we called for a durable political peace in that area.

Yes, if need be, we are working with like-minded countries. We will look at all of the options to be able to advance this file. We are very concerned by this file and we will do what we believe is right. However, we are doing it now in this sequence with those people who we are working with, of course, but we are doing it through the diplomatic channels which are the channels that are appropriate at this time.

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Mr. Pierre Poilievre (Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister and to the Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs, CPC):

Mr. Speaker, I witnessed these tragedies with my own eyes and heard of them from my constituents, both Tamil and Sinhalese. I join with the government in condemning the conduct of the Sri Lankan government for its bombing of a hospital and firing into areas it had designated as safe.

We all know that the tigers are listed in this country but they are all but defeated. Now is the time for the Government of Sri Lanka to take responsibility for the safety of its civilian population. The minister's comments would be welcome.

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Hon. Lawrence Cannon:

Mr. Speaker, my colleague has indicated full well of course the situation that is there. The Government of Canada, through my colleague, the Minister of International Cooperation, has put forward amounts of money to help the civilian population. This is not the first time that Canada has engaged in this. We were there, we are doing it today and we certainly will be doing it tomorrow.

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Mr. Paul Calandra (Oak Ridges—Markham, CPC):

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to stand in the House tonight and let Canadians know that this government is doing all it can to help alleviate the suffering of those in Sri Lanka. We are all concerned with the civilian loss of life in Sri Lanka and we welcome the opportunity to address this issue in tonight's emergency debate.

As the House has heard this evening, 52 civilians have lost their lives and paid the ultimate price. Our hearts go out to the families and victims in this conflict.

Over the course of the last 25 years, approximately 70,000 people have lost their lives in this terrible conflict. As a caring nation, we have worked with our partners on the international stage to do what we can. Although the light at the end of the tunnel seems distant, we know that all is not lost and we continue to hope for a lasting peace.

Others may attempt to play partisan politics but this government will do everything in its power to ensure that those in need are taken care of. This government wants to ensure our aid is directed and focused. We want to ensure we are showing compassion for the less fortunate. We will not stand idly by while those in need can be helped by our assistance.

Earlier today, the Minister of International Cooperation announced that Canada will provide $3 million through the Canadian International Development Agency for life saving humanitarian aid to those people living in the conflict zone. This was a welcomed announcement by the international community.

The minister reinforced Canada's commitment to assist in meeting the immediate needs of the Sri Lankan people as they face this hour of need. Our aid will be delivered by the Red Cross, Oxfam Canada, Médecins sans Frontières, World Vision and CARE Canada. All of these organizations are known to Canadians and have staff on the ground in Sri Lanka.

As our nation turns its eyes on this conflict tonight, I am pleased to inform members that this assistance announced earlier today will go a long way in alleviating the pain and suffering of those on ground in Sri Lanka.

While many nations have addressed the immediate devastation, this is not the first time Canada has come to the aid of those living in Sri Lanka. In 2008, this government provided almost $3 million in humanitarian assistance. including $1.5 million for the food aid program through the World Food Programme. As many members of the House know, the World Food Programme has an impeccable record when it comes to helping those suffering in developing countries. The aid we sent last year provided desperately needed food rations for approximately 850,000 people.

Since 1983 and the beginning of the civil war in Sri Lanka, Canada's aid program has focused on addressing the root causes and effects of the war through projects to support good governance and human rights, gender equality and economic well-being. We have highlighted employment for youth and members of disadvantaged groups.

Following the tsunami, CIDA created the Sri Lanka tsunami reconstruction strategy to guide its assistance toward reconstruction efforts. That effort was extremely successful and had a huge impact on the lives of the people in Sri Lanka.

Humanitarian work is never easy but the devastation caused by that natural disaster destroyed roads and made the delivery of assistance even more difficult. For Canadians, it is hard to imagine but close to half the population of Sri Lanka live on less than $2 a day. Together with the international community, this government is committed to helping to restore these communities and the livelihoods of those who live there.

The House should know that CIDA is working to address the root causes of the conflict and the circumstances that these people find on a daily basis. We continue to work with the Sri Lankan civil society and focus on the economic well-being of the individual.

Our commitment to greater aid effectiveness includes reducing administrative overhead and constantly benchmarking ourselves against international best practices. In fact, the minister's announcement last year that Canada will completely untie aid will go a long way in achieving these goals.

Canadians can be proud of the work that CIDA and this government is doing on the ground in Sri Lanka and, for that matter around, the world.

As Sri Lanka celebrates its independence today, we as Canadians can know that we are truly making a difference. The assistance this government is providing will help feed young children displaced by the conflict. It will help provide water for those who do not have any. It will go toward the elderly and the sick providing much needed medicine.

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I know that some of the opposition parties have been critical in the past but I would hope that tonight they would be willing to stand united with the government as we work to help those in need.

The government believes that the primary test for aid effectiveness must be striving for real outcomes, real results and making a real difference.

Canada is committed to making our international assistance focused, effective and accountable. We are monitoring the situation in Sri Lanka very closely. Both the Minister of International Cooperation and the Minister of Foreign Affairs are working to help those a half world away because that is the Canadian way.

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Hon. John McCallum (Markham—Unionville, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I, like many of my colleagues, am honoured to have many Tamil constituents. Like my colleagues, I have heard many heart-wrenching accounts of the suffering of my constituents and their relatives as a consequence of this war.

For weeks and months now, we on this side of the House have implored the government to speak out and to take action. I think the lateness of the action will forgive us thinking this may be too little too late on the part of the government.

I would ask my colleague to prove me wrong. I would ask him to prove the seriousness of the government's efforts at this late hour by answering one very concrete and specific question. How is it that the government proposes to ensure that the aid it is committing to today will actually get to the people who need it? In the face of all the evidence suggesting that this has not been possible for so long, what specific measures will the government take to ensure this new aid commitment will actually reach the people who need it?

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Mr. Paul Calandra:

Mr. Speaker, as I outlined in my speech, our aid will be distributed through agencies that have a proven record and that have people on the ground and are successful in getting aid to the people and to the areas that most need the aid.

I am extraordinarily proud of the fact that I come from a riding that has a very large Sri Lankan Tamil Canadian population. I have a riding where two Tamil Canadian business people took a failed business, turned it around and made it success through hard work and determination. Ultimately, they have become great members of this community. They came to me and said, “Paul, please, we have to do something”.

I am very proud that the minister announced today that we would be providing essential aid and that the aid would be distributed through agencies, as I mentioned earlier, that have a proven track record in distributing aid. Oxfam and Médecins sans Frontières are agencies that have a record of getting the job done.

I am proud of the fact that our government has taken the step to ensure the people of Sri Lanka who are suffering will get the aid they deserve.

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Mr. John Cannis (Scarborough Centre, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I want to pick up on what my colleague, the member for Scarborough—Agincourt, talked about earlier but I will not get into the data, the stats, etcetera.

Given these unusual circumstances, these difficult circumstances and the great delays in terms of trying to connect loved ones, family members, children, wives, etcetera, would the member consider going to the Minister of Immigration and asking whether we can look at some of the legitimate application files that are in the process and expedite them and, if need be, send in some additional staff for the time being so we can connect these loved ones?

Some time ago, during the Yugoslavian conflict, Canada allowed immigrants to come over and stay with their loved ones, or even on their own, until the dust kind of settled. Most of them went back but some of them stayed here with their loved ones.

This is one way we could help alleviate the problem. Will the member consider doing that?

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Mr. Paul Calandra:

Mr. Speaker, tonight's debate is about a very serious conflict happening in Sri Lanka. The galleries are filled with people who have family and who are suffering or are concerned. Tonight is about those people. It is about the hard-working, law-abiding Canadian Tamils who have come to this country over the last 25 years, have built a better life and who have concern with what is happening in their homeland.

I am here on behalf of the people of Oak Ridges—Markham to tell that story, to tell the story of all those people who have come to this country, created a better life and who are pillars of the community.

Since 1983, 250,000 Tamils have come to Canada and have become an incredibly important part of our community. Our community of Oak Ridges—Markham is richer for it. I welcome even more Tamil Canadians. They are an incredible part of our community. They are strong, hard-working people. I want to say to them that the Government of Canada is committed to doing everything in its power to ensure their families, friends and relatives are safe. We will not play politics with this. We will work hard to get the job done, and that is my commitment.

[Translation]

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Mrs. Ève-Mary Thaï Thi Lac (Saint-Hyacinthe—Bagot, BQ):

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise this evening to take part in the emergency debate on the situation in Sri Lanka. The current situation there is intolerable. The Bloc Québécois believes that lasting solutions only come about through peaceful means. We feel that the only path to a lasting solution is through peace negotiations.

The Canadian government must increase its close watch on Sri Lanka. At this time, the situation in this country is out of control. Fighting has intensified and is threatening the lives of many civilians. Neither side wants to end the conflict. The United Nations is demanding an immediate ceasefire in order to evacuate civilians who are in danger. The ceasefire must happen immediately, and Canada has responsibilities. This ceasefire would allow the civilian population to be safer within Sri Lanka's borders.

A number of international organizations would be available to help these people, but currently, the situation and the danger in Sri Lanka do not allow these organizations to enter the zones that are so dangerous for so many. We know that these zones have been affected and that there have been thousands of deaths. More than 60,000 people have died and 11,000 have disappeared, all victims of the war that is raging in Sri Lanka right now. It is a human tragedy.

We also know that there are organizations that recruit child soldiers. Political assassinations also occur in Sri Lanka, as do numerous kidnappings. The Conservative government announced in 2006 that it was including the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam on Canada's list of terrorist organizations, and a large portion of their funds and assets were frozen and seized.

As I was saying a little earlier, since hostilities have resumed, it is estimated that thousands of Tamils have been killed, a large majority of whom were civilians. The UN and the Red Cross estimate that over 250,000 civilians are stuck between the two parties in Tamil territory. Tens of thousands of civilians have been left homeless and have been displaced within Sri Lanka's borders. The vast majority of these civilians are stuck between the Sri Lankan army and the Tamil rebels. They are trying to reach much safer zones, but it is very difficult for them to do so.

According to International Committee of the Red Cross estimates, only half of the population have managed to find refuge in the so-called safe zones. Those secure zones are not nearly big enough to accommodate everyone who needs them. At present, between 10,000 and 15,000 families have moved to an area with no potable water. This is a horrible situation that must be condemned.

The UN Secretary General has expressed his concerns regarding the humanitarian crisis that persists in Sri Lanka. Many civilians are trapped in the combat zones. First and foremost, Canada must add its voice to that of the UN and it must give priority to the humanitarian aid that needs to reach the Sri Lankan civilian population.

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The Secretary General is calling on both parties to respect the safe zones, in order to allow aid to reach affected civilians.

According to spokespersons for the coordinators of humanitarian and emergency aid, there are still 250,000 displaced civilians and many of them have been moved 10 to 15 times during the past year. This is absurd; it undermines the security of civilians and it is a situation that must not continue.

Because of these numerous moves, the health conditions of these people are deteriorating as we speak. There are currently no epidemics, but the risk is great. We must combat the epidemics that could arise in the situation we are discussing today.

It is also unusual for humanitarian convoys to take more than one week to reach civilians. This situation is absurd and undermines the security of the people of Sri Lanka.

I will conclude my speech with these words. I join with the member for Montmagny—L'Islet—Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup, who earlier explained the situation in Sri Lanka. I will not repeat what he spoke of earlier but I too will say that the situation is very dangerous.

From a humanitarian perspective, Canada absolutely must join with the UN in exerting pressure. We know that the only way for Sri Lankans to be safe is for peace to return. And a ceasefire is the best way for Sri Lankans to live in safe zones and to experience societal peace.

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Mr. Pierre Poilievre (Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister and to the Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs, CPC):

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the hon. member for her comments.

[English]

When I was in Sri Lanka some years ago, I travelled to the south in Galle and then later to the north in Jaffna and I did notice a dramatic distinction in the distribution of aid. It was clear to me that Tamil regions were receiving less aid than were Sinhalese. It appeared to me that the government was doing its best to favour one group over another in the post-tsunami period.

It was unfortunate that the previous government in this country did not do more to scrutinize the dollars that went to Sri Lanka during and after the tsunami period. I did implore the government at the time to do so, but there was not the political will in that Liberal government to act. The point I make in all of this is that it is incumbent upon us to ensure that the $3 million actually reach the people in need, the Tamils who are suffering in those regions.

I wonder if my hon. colleague would have suggestions on how we could better scrutinize the use of those dollars to ensure they reach their recipients and relieve the pain and suffering of these victimized people rather than those dollars being wasted, not being spent at all, or being diverted to unworthy causes.

[Translation]

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Mrs. Ève-Mary Thaï Thi Lac:

I would like to thank my colleague opposite for his question. The member began by saying that he visited Sri Lanka a number of years ago. The situation has deteriorated dramatically over the past few months, indeed, over the past year. Compared to previous years, things are very different now in Sri Lanka.

To answer the member's question directly, humanitarian aid must be delivered by international organizations with solid reputations. These organizations act in good faith, and they are responsible for on-the-ground supply delivery, even to areas where civilians are safe.

This is not just about getting aid in. The country needs a ceasefire so that these organizations can get to places safely and distribute the international aid that needs to be distributed.

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[English]

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis (Scarborough—Agincourt, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I would like to address something that was said not by my colleague from the Bloc but by my colleague from Ottawa—Vanier.

He said that he visited Sri Lanka and he noticed that the Tamil area was getting more aid than the Sinhalese area. Either I was not there at the same time he was there, or he was there, probably having smoked some bad dope or probably drunk, but on January 9, 2005, after the tsunami, when I arrived at Point Pedro, the most northern part of Sri Lanka, I saw--and my colleague can visit my website--the army gathering up whatever they could of the remnants of the houses that had been broken up and they were making shacks so they could stay overnight. I have seen a part of the country that the Sinhalese government certainly did not care about.

I am not sure if we visited the same country or if my colleague was there in virtual reality having probably smoked some bad dope.

I would tell him to check his figures again.

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Hon. Gordon O'Connor:

Mr. Speaker, on a point of order, my colleague from Scarborough—Agincourt has referred to one of our members as smoking dope. I want an apology from him right now.

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis:

Mr. Speaker, if that is unparliamentary, I certainly apologize, but that is for you to rule.

However, the member for Nepean—Carleton, having made those comments that the south was getting less aid than the north, must have been on the verge of really being drunk.

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Mr. Pierre Poilievre:

Mr. Speaker, the member has mistaken me for the member for Ottawa—Vanier, who is a colleague who sits near him, and I do not know if he was disoriented when he did that.

He also mistakenly claims that he heard me say that the Sinhalese population had not received its fair share. In fact, what I said in my comments was exactly the opposite. I said that the Tamil community was clearly not receiving a fair distribution of aid.

I hope that will help clarify this for the hon. member and allow him to compose himself so that we can get on with the debate.

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The Acting Speaker (Mr. Barry Devolin):

The member for Scarborough—Agincourt was initially recognized to ask a question of the member who had been speaking previously, so I would like to give the member for Saint-Hyacinthe—Bagot the opportunity to comment if she wishes to.

[Translation]

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Mrs. Ève-Mary Thaï Thi Lac:

Mr. Speaker, I did notice that discussion between two of my colleagues here in the House.

To get back to the question, I would say that I do not want to discuss what things were like in Sri Lanka three or four years ago. Today, we are debating the current situation, and we will not help the Sri Lankan people, their families or their friends who are listening tonight if we debate things that happened more than four years ago.

Tonight, we are here to debate what kind of immediate assistance we should provide, and I would like the debate to stay focused on that. The important thing is figuring out what the government can do now to help the people get out of the terrible and dangerous situation they are in.

I agree that what was done four years ago was awful. But for now, the government must not hide or abdicate its responsibilities because of something that happened over three years ago.

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Mr. Paul Dewar (Ottawa Centre, NDP):

Mr. Speaker, I am glad that the Bloc member was able to bring us back to the debate.

My colleague's experience is a unique one and knows what it is like coming from and having a connection with a country that was unstable and at war. I appreciate her perspective.

The $3 million is fine and we are glad that the government has talked about a ceasefire, but it is how we get there. We have been talking tonight about ways to push for a ceasefire through the Commonwealth and also through the United Nations. I would like to hear her comments.

We heard today about an instance where cluster bombs were being used, something that we abhor. Canada has signed a treaty against their use. It is time the world community did something.

I am wondering what she thinks about our using the United Nations, through the General Assembly, as a forum to push the Security Council to take action for a ceasefire.

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Mrs. Ève-Mary Thaï Thi Lac:

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague for his question.

What is equally important is that when the government across the way makes a commitment, it must keep that commitment. We know that on a number of occasions since the Conservatives have come to power, Canada has made commitments that were not satisfactory internationally.

In this situation, it is not about demanding things or saying that we will send $3 million in aid. We must take a firm stance. In addition to demanding a ceasefire, Canada must also be pro-active, not only in terms of monetary aid, but also in the demands that will be made to come to a real ceasefire or improvement for the Sri Lankan people. This measure will be taken seriously by the entire global community if, as I said earlier, we see that when the Conservative government makes commitments, it respects them and stands firm. And so, Canada will have more international credibility. When a commitment is made, we will know that it will be kept. We do not currently have that guarantee with the Conservative government.

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Mr. Maurice Vellacott (Saskatoon—Wanuskewin, CPC):

Mr. Speaker, the very important debate that we are engaged in this evening is more than just a remote situation for many of us around this House because we have friends, people that we know well, individuals that we have come to appreciate over the course of the last number of years in the Tamil community and the Sinhalese community as well.

One of my good friends, an individual in the community of Ottawa, has a Tamil father and a Sinhalese mother. He is an individual I have come to appreciate. He has related to me some of the turmoil and some of the difficulties in that situation in Sri Lanka, and so one's heart goes out to that. I think in some sense that matrimonial situation, a Tamil father and a Sinhalese mother, is almost a microcosm of what we would hope to have for that country in terms of bringing together people and groups of people with different backgrounds.

Canada has clearly stated its view. The minister is on the record tonight stating his view on the way forward with respect to peace in Sri Lanka. We believe that conflict will not be ended on the battlefield but through political accommodation.

This government has repeatedly called on the government of Sri Lanka to show leadership, to create those necessary conditions for peace, and to move forward with the tabling of further details for meaningful power-sharing agreements that will be acceptable to all communities, to all concerned.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs stated, on January 28, “Recent developments underline the urgent need for progress toward a meaningful and durable political solution”.

Given Canada's longstanding experience in dealing with pluralism and federal governance, we believe that Canada is well positioned to assist the people of Sri Lanka to arrive at a political solution when the fighting stops. Canada has that experience across a vast stretch of country and our federal system, with provinces, with a certain degree of autonomy. Pluralism is one of Canada's foundational values. It is based on the recognition that our diversity is actually a source of strength and that every individual and community has an equal voice, and can and should use that voice to participate as a full member of society.

Our Prime Minister has noted that throughout our history the accommodation of minorities, be they regional, ethnic, linguistic and religious, has been in fact very critical to Canada's overall health as a country.

Our government considers diversity to be actually one of Canada's greatest strengths. It is our gift to the world, in some sense. We can share that example, that model that we have here can be followed elsewhere in the world. Playing an active role in a political settlement would indeed build on past Canadian initiatives in Sri Lanka.

Indeed, the hon. member for Toronto Centre, in his past work as the chairman of the forum of federations, when he was out of politics for a while, was a key part of Canada's contribution to facilitating power-sharing discussions between the government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE in 2002 and 2003.

More recently, in March 2008, some here might be aware, Canada organized a regional conference in Colombo, the capital of Sri Lanka, on pluralism in south Asia with a specific focus on minority integration and participation in government and civil society, and that event included participation from the government of Sri Lanka.

So, it is very clear, I think people from all sides of the House would agree, that the only path to a durable and a peaceful solution in Sri Lanka is a political settlement that respects the equality of all Sri Lankans and is acceptable to all communities.

So Canada stands ready to assist, ready to help in any way it can, the parties to arrive at that kind of a solution and to turn the page on this very tragic chapter in Sri Lankan history.

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Hon. Maria Minna (Beaches—East York, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, the government has finally come to the conclusion that political accommodation or political dialogue is what is needed. This is not something that we have heard before, not for a long time anyway, and I am glad to hear that.

Given the fact that we are at that stage now, I would like to know from the hon. member what the government is doing to get its message through to the government of Sri Lanka, and to the LTTE for that matter, to get that resolved, to have a ceasefire, and then to have a discussion about a different solution.

Has someone consulted with our high commissioner in Sri Lanka? What is she advising Canadians and what is she advising the government in terms of the plan that she might be suggesting, given her knowledge of the area and first-hand knowledge of the situation?

Does the Minister of Foreign Affairs, for instance, intend to visit or travel to Sri Lanka anytime soon? That would be helpful and I would think, given the situation there, that should have happened already. I would hope that would be happening sometime soon. Finally, will the government be consulting Canadians of Sri Lankan origin to involve Canada's diaspora in the discussion in terms of what their role might be in this, and also to seek advice and consult them on their ideas?

I wonder if any or all of these are in the works and if the government intends to act on any of them.

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Mr. Maurice Vellacott:

Mr. Speaker, I am probably starting at the last and working my way up in response to the good questions that the hon. member has put forward, but I do know that the minister and the parliamentary secretary have listened to and heard differing submissions over the course of the last several years, but in particular over the last number of weeks. We have had contacts probably from members across the way, possibly the member herself as well, and I am sure that those conversations will continue on. That input will be more than welcome as it comes to the diaspora in our own country here, as that is fed through members of Parliament back to the foreign affairs minister and the department.

I do know and the minister is on the record this evening already as having stated that at the very highest of levels, through our high commissioner there, especially in these last number of days, our government, as I understand it, is more than ready to continue that process of engagement and doing what we can to offer our assistance and the unique perspective we bring. I believe that those high level discussions at all levels, through the international forums as well, will take place in the days ahead, hopefully to get the kind of result that members on all sides of the House and all parties desire for that very tragic situation in Sri Lanka.

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis (Scarborough—Agincourt, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, with everything the government is putting forward, everything it is saying it is going to do and the aid it is going to send, if the government of Sri Lanka does not cooperate and move in a positive fashion, would my colleague ask his colleague, the parliamentary secretary who is sitting beside him, or even the minister and the caucus, to consider setting a precedent by recalling our high commissioner so that other countries can follow suit?

That would be a clear message to Sri Lanka, as it was to South Africa under a Conservative government back in 1992. The world is certainly not going to take this anymore. When we started doing this, the government of South Africa, at that time, moved. I am just wondering if the government would find it in its heart that we should also move in the same fashion, or are these just words of platitude that we are using?

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Mr. Maurice Vellacott:

Mr. Speaker, the minister has been very clear on the record this evening, as have other speeches been that were given, indicating very clearly, and from my personal conversations I would know that they are carrying on those discussions, that our foreign affairs minister and our parliamentary secretary want to keep all those channels open with both parties in order to be most helpful and constructive in this particular serious stage of things. It is rather crucial that they be talking to all the players over there and be engaging with them, particularly in this terrible conflict that has gone on far too long.

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Mr. John Cannis (Scarborough Centre, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the members for Etobicoke North, Don Valley West and Etobicoke Centre.

I have the opportunity to participate in this emergency debate on the unfortunate circumstances in Sri Lanka.

Earlier today I welcomed here in Ottawa a group of students from Precious Blood school in my riding. They arrived while the people were out there demonstrating, and I use that word in a positive way, to express their concern and their message.

The students asked me what was going on outside. I explained to them that a group from across Canada was here to demonstrate with respect to what is happening in their former homeland of Sri Lanka, and I explained a bit of the circumstances.

They were surprisingly attentive. They wanted to know and hear. In the mosaic, the representation of students before me, I think there had to be some students from that community as well. I think they were pleased that I was leaving the reception to go and add my voice to the voices of the many colleagues who were out there earlier today.

Throughout this debate, we have heard a historical perspective of what has happened in decades past, the thousands of innocent lives that have been lost, from parliamentarians to young boys and girls, young men and women, seniors and so on. We have heard about a society that is not able to progress.

The humanitarian tragedy that is unfolding today is unfortunate. I think we could go so far as to use the word that is not permitted to be used: genocide, or ethnic cleansing.

We are all aware that organizations and groups such as the European community, the U.K., Norway, Switzerland, the United States and Canada have expressed their concern for what is happening. It is odd that although all these prominent, powerful nations have made these statements, they are going nowhere.

It prompted me to go back to a quote of what was said. Earlier they talked about UN declarations. I am going to quote, for the record, what Javier Solana said here in this honourable House, when we had a joint session with the House of Commons and the Senate. He was then the NATO Secretary-General. He said, “The solution to the problem is not in signing papers; it is in compliance”.

The frustration is that bodies such as the UN, whose credibility I believe is on the line today, can sit around those wonderful chambers and bring forth resolutions. Then, regarding these conflicts, wherever they are unfolding--today it is Sri Lanka--people say that there was a resolution, but why is it not being complied with and not being carried out? As a result, the conflict escalates.

We need a way to enforce these resolutions and have these nations comply with the resolutions through measures mentioned earlier by several colleagues, as was done by the Mulroney government and as was mentioned earlier by the member for Scarborough—Agincourt.

I have had the Canadian Tamil Congress visit me in my office. We talked about how we could approach this issue. We talked about petitions. Petitions have been presented and are waiting for accreditation so that we can present them to express their views.

However, an interesting thing came up earlier, and I ask the member for Oak Ridges—Markham to take this to the Minister of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism or even their whole caucus. At a time of great difficulty like this, when loved ones are being killed, when they are being thrown out of their homes, villages and towns and have nowhere to go, maybe there could be an application for them to come and move over with their loved ones.

I remember that during the Yugoslavian conflict, we here in Canada opened our doors and allowed many thousands of people to come over temporarily to get out of that conflict. They stayed with their relatives. Some of them stayed in Canada and some of them went back.

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We talk about resolutions, but what a unique opportunity it would be if the government side today could ask our immigration officers over there to look at all the applications so that we could reunite them, or unite them, with their families here in Canada. It is one suggestion for a unique opportunity to alleviate some of the pain.

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis (Scarborough—Agincourt, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, my colleague spoke about reunification of families and moving families faster.

I want to ask my colleague a question. After the tsunami, a protocol was set by the Liberal government so that that family-class applications, those who had passed medical and police clearance, were to be fast-tracked and brought to Canada. I remember being in Colombo at the time when the Prime Minister visited, and there were 13 extra officers there to expedite the cases of the families. Right now it is quite the opposite: if a person is a Tamil, it takes three years.

I wonder if my colleague would agree me and if he would say a little more about how we could put more personnel there in order to move these files and get the people out of the war zone to be with their loved ones in Canada.

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Mr. John Cannis:

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague and neighbour, the member for Scarborough—Agincourt.

I think it is very important and, as I said, it did not come to me just in listening to the debate. We are dealing with a multi-faceted problem. Yes, it is ceasefire. Yes, it is human rights. Yes, it is getting medical supplies to people, as well as food and clean water. It is everything.

Along with that, for a moment we have a unique opportunity for the government and the country. I do not know how much staff would be required, but let us assume it is 10. Let us send 10 people over right now from our department, people who can look at these files, advance them as quickly as possible and get these family members here if there is already an application. I am referring to applications that are already in the pipeline. That would be a very positive signal to the communities here in our country.

I have had the opportunity and the honour, over the past 15 years that I have been elected, to meet a good number of members in the community. I have seen the young ones grow from 10-year-old cubs to university students today. One example is my friend Logan Kanapathi, who is a city councillor today in Markham. He came here as a refugee. Today he is a very successful businessman and a city councillor. His wife is a doctor, offering services to all Canadians.

This community has added to the wonderful mosaic that we call Canada. Maybe we could do that by bringing their loved ones over here as quickly as we can.

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Ms. Kirsty Duncan (Etobicoke North, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, over 50 years ago, an outstanding and remarkable Canadian, Lester Pearson, was honoured with the 1957 Nobel Peace Prize for his perseverance, success, vision and wisdom in creating a peacekeeping mission and the blueprint for the United Nation's now well recognized role in peacekeeping and peace building. Pearson was a tough advocate and firmly believed that Canada had a responsibility to actively participate in any international activity to end ongoing conflict.

Throughout his career, Pearson demonstrated two characteristics: undeviating stability and dynamic responsiveness. Because of these two characteristics, Pearson was an effective supporter for peaceful resolutions to several major international crises, from the Korean War to the Cyprus crisis, and Canada emerged with distinction.

Civil war has raged in Sri Lanka for 37 years and throughout the period both sides have been accused of serious human rights violation. I absolutely and strongly believe that terrorism is unacceptable no matter who commits it, no matter what the reason.

However, now is the time for dynamic responsiveness. A major humanitarian crisis is unfolding in northern Sri Lanka, with 250,000 unprotected civilians trapped in the crossfire between government troops and rebel forces.

The United Nations reports that several hundred civilians have been killed since the beginning of the year and last week more than 300 patients and staff were forced to flee a hospital in the Tamil area after it came under shelling. For over a week, my constituency office and my riding office have been inundated by members of the Canadian Tamil community. I have held grown men in my arms while they sobbed, listened to young women recount tales of rape and prayed with families.

My community writes:

“My aunt's uncle is trapped inside the war zone; we haven't heard from them for months...we are devastated; please stop this genocide....I cry every night at the thought of the number of children that die, and get raped...why won't the international community listen to our children...I cannot go home because I am unable to handle how my mother cries every night because she hasn't heard from her family in weeks....I have no words to make her feel better...I have three uncles and their families in Sri Lanka and we have lost all communication with them”.

When people's lives are threatened, we have a moral obligation to alleviate their suffering. I cannot imagine the terror of not knowing where one of my family members might be, let alone 100 members as one of my community members reported, or the tragic confirmation of their deaths. I know how Canada and our whole country grieves when one person goes missing and how the international community mourns when a child goes missing. Where is the mourning when a hospital is bombed and children killed?

Parliamentarians must take, as Pearson did through history, a leadership role in the intensifying crisis. We must push for a humanitarian ceasefire and for independent monitors to ensure it is respected. We must send more humanitarian aid and ensure that it reaches whose who need it most. We must ensure the protection of life.

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Mr. Robert Oliphant (Don Valley West, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, it is a privilege and an honour to be here tonight. I come with a heavy heart. I am very aware of the gallery being filled tonight. I am aware that people have come here with hopes and dreams, with pain and with challenges, and I am very pleased to see them.

I am also very keenly aware there are members from my riding of Don Valley West. I thank them for their fierce patience and their persistence and the honour that they have brought to this place today.

They have brought their stories with them as well, stories of brothers and sisters, aunts and uncles, cousins, relatives who have become displaced, become lost or have been killed. They are asking for us, as parliamentarians in Canada, to do the right thing, to tell their stories again and again so they may be heard so the world may change.

This conflict has gone on for over three decades and over 70,000 people, mostly Tamils, have been killed. And so we take this time in remembrance of them and also with the commitment to do something different about life.

As Canadians, we pride ourselves on standing for justice in the world. We pride ourselves on speaking when others stay silent. Most of all, we pride ourselves for fighting for the ability to right the wrongs that we see in the worldwide community.

We have a noble tradition, as the member for Etobicoke North said, in our world to bring about peace and to talk about peace. That reputation is sorely at risk if the Conservative government fails to stand up for our sisters and brothers half a globe away.

The Canadian government has an obligation to the global community, to the Tamil citizens, to all citizens of Sri Lanka and to Tamils living in Canada. They number over 200,000 and they have the right to speak up and be heard in our country, as they fully participate as Canadian citizens here.

While it is thousands of kilometres away from where we gather tonight, a genocide is occurring and the global community must take action. Most important, our Conservative government, which has been silent far too long, has to take further steps than even those announced today.

Up until today, there have been no calls for mediation, no calls for humanitarian assistance and, most important, no calls for a cease fire or a way out of this conflict. Every day the toll of this conflict is rising and its effect on future generations is flying out of control. Tens of thousands are dead, towns and villages have been destroyed, hundreds of thousands of people have been made homeless in this long conflict. Despite these ongoing tragedies, the crisis remains largely invisible to the western world. The press gallery is not full tonight. We will have an ongoing responsibility to take this message to the world and we on this side of the House are committed to doing that, not only tonight, not only yesterday but tomorrow and the day after and the day after.

All sides of this conflict have used violence and have experienced suffering. I will never condone the use of child soldiers or suicide bombings and I know that both forces have used these instruments. It is inexcusable, and we do not support them nor condone them. However, this growing crisis has disproportionately affected the minority Tamil population in the northern and northeastern parts of the island. Constant shelling of civilian areas, disappearance of community leaders, journalists killed and lost, long-term detentions without trials, incidents of torture and the increased deprivation of the country to the government's hindrance of food aid, water and medicine delivery happen day after day.

Our Canadian government has announced $3 million in aid and it is simply not enough. Nor is there any possibility that we can have a guarantee that it will be delivered. The agencies listed by the ministers tonight simply are not in the area. They are not, as the ministers say, on the ground. They are not able to deliver the aid.

The government needs to call for a UN envoy to be a witness for peace, a witness for justice and a witness for ongoing settlement to the solution. It is a half measure at best that the government has done. We are glad that it is acting. It needs to act further. We on this side of the House will have a concerted effort, we will stand with our friends, we will continually remind them of our responsibility and we will continue to keep them in our prayers.

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Mr. Borys Wrzesnewskyj (Etobicoke Centre, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I address not only our fellow parliamentarians in the House of Commons. I wish to address our fellow Canadians of Tamil descent, who gathered on the Hill here today, and in fact, Tamil Canadians from across our great country who are watching this historic emergency debate.

I feel tremendous empathy for our Tamil-Canadian brothers and sisters. Like many of them, I am the child of political refugees to this country. Many of my parents' and grandparents' family members and loved ones were killed, often in the most brutal of ways, in their struggle for a free and independent Ukraine.

Freedom and independence are sought when continuing injustices take place. This has been the historic struggle of many peoples, many nations. In the past century, tens of millions of lives have been lost to ethnic intolerances, ethnic hatreds, ethnic cleansings and genocides, yet humanity seems not to learn from these tragic lessons.

For decades now, Tamils in Sri Lanka have struggled with intolerance and injustice. In the resulting frustrating and horrific violence, tens of thousands of innocent Tamils, as well as Sinhalese and Muslims, have been killed. How many of the anguished Tamil-Canadians who gathered here today before the Peace Tower have lost loved ones and friends?

Just over a year ago, along with many Tamil-Canadians, we mourned the assassination and loss of Thamilselvan. Thamilselvan embodied Tamil aspirations. He was a soldier who became a peace negotiator. Despite having borne witness to decades of horror, he laid down his gun in the search for peace. The targeted assassination of a peace negotiator by the Sri Lankan government began a well planned out descent into the horrors of war.

At the time, I condemned the assassination and stated the following at the November 5, 2007, memorial for Thamilselvan:

Sri Lanka stands at the edge of a precipice, with a potential to descend into a new hell. How many thousands more to be victimized to satiate the hatred in people's souls? How many more women and men, brothers and sisters, children, are to be sacrificed on the altar of war?

These were the words of warning I spoke over a year ago, yet the Conservative government was deaf to these warnings, deaf to the pleadings and anguish of thousands of Tamil-Canadians. A year ago, Tamil Sri Lankan infants, children, men and women were on the precipice. In these last weeks they have been pushed off the ledge and find themselves in the midst of the horror, in the midst of the hell of war.

Meanwhile, our Prime Minister has been silent for over a year, and I note he has not been here for the debates this evening. Has he even taken the time to look at the—

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The Acting Speaker (Mr. Barry Devolin):

Order, please. The member is an experienced parliamentarian and he knows that it is inappropriate to refer to members who are or are not here.

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Mr. Borys Wrzesnewskyj:

Mr. Speaker, has he even taken the time to look at the pictures of the dead and dying civilians?

Thousands of our Canadian brothers and sisters of Tamil ancestry, as well as all Canadians who believe in Canada's legacy of peacekeeping and patient diplomacy, call on our Prime Minister to help re-establish an international ceasefire, to actively engage our diplomats in Sri Lanka, the Commonwealth and the UN to restart peace negotiations, to dedicate substantive resources and not a symbolic $3 million, or the equivalent of $10 for each of the 300,000 herded, internally displaced refugees, so as to provide desperately needed medical and humanitarian aid.

I once again turn to our fellow Tamil-Canadian brothers and sisters. Many of them have lost family members and loved ones. In their honour, let us commit ourselves to putting an end to the anguished cries that have emanated from the island of Sri Lanka for decades and imagine instead what today seems impossible, in island paradise of smiling peoples, of smiling children.

Canada can, Canada must play a role in bringing an end to the horrors of this war. Canada can, Canada must be at the forefront in bringing about peace.

[Member spoke in Tamil]

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Hon. Jim Karygiannis (Scarborough—Agincourt, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, we have talked among ourselves, we have heard from our constituents all this week and more people want voice their concerns and speak to us.

I, for one, would love to hear from them. They can call the lobby phone at 613-996-7441. I would love to hear from them and make them part of this debate for the next hour and a half.

I am sure my colleague will want me to repeat this number, which is 613-996-7441. They can call us and tell us what they think. The can speak to the ministers, speak to the members of Parliament and tell us what they think we should do.

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Mr. Borys Wrzesnewskyj:

Mr. Speaker, I thank the hon. member not just for his intervention, but for his continuous work for many years on this file.

I, once again, would like to encourage all our colleagues on the government benches to take the time to speak with their constituents, to speak with the thousands of Tamil-Canadians who they represent so they can understand the anguish, the horror of what is taking place in Sri Lanka.

I am sure once they speak with Tamil-Canadians about the current situation, they will find it within their hearts to speak with the Prime Minister, with their colleague, to convince him that we must do more, that we must engage our diplomats and have them engage their colleagues in the Commonwealth, at the UN and that we must do more than the $3 million announced today.

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Mr. Peter Julian (Burnaby—New Westminster, NDP):

Mr. Speaker,

[Member spoke in Tamil]

[English]

I wanted to say that to all those Tamil Canadians, the largest diaspora in the world. They are watching us tonight on television. They are watching CPAC and they are present here in the gallery.

For those Tamil Canadians, this is not some sort of academic debate. This is not a place where words are going to heal the wounds that exist. For Tamil Canadians, who have relatives, family and friends who are currently in a situation that is deplorable in its magnitude and frightening in the intensity of its impact on individuals, this is not part of an academic debate but part of a real tragedy that is unfolding right now as we speak.

As parliamentarians, we have a responsibility to do everything in our power to help change that situation so that those loved ones, those people living in northern Sri Lanka are given the relief that they so richly deserve and warrant.

It is for those reasons that the member for Toronto—Danforth, the leader of the New Democratic Party, stood in the House a few hours ago to request that the Speaker of the House of Commons hold this emergency debate. It is for that reason that the New Democratic Party caucus has been pressing the government to take action.

Today there was an announcement, a first step, perhaps a down payment, of $3 million in humanitarian relief, but it is a long way from what is needed now. For Canada to play an important role to bring relief to those who are suffering in northern Sri Lanka, Canada must act strongly and must act with real resources to bring about the ceasefire and peace in northern Sri Lankan, a respect for human rights. And also to bring about a much larger infusion of much-needed resources from Canada to immediately help those who are starving, those who are hungry, and those who are suffering in northern Sri Lanka.

Last week the NDP brought forward Motion No. 273 in the House, which we believe provided important instruction to the government, so that the government could take immediate action. For the record, the motion states:

[Translation]

That, in the opinion of the House, the government should immediately use all diplomatic means to put pressure on the government of Sri Lanka and its military to respect the human rights of the civilian Tamil population, by: (a) ceasing all violence against Tamil civilians, including any detention of civilians in military-camps, extrajudicial killings, and disappearances; (b) immediately lifting the September 2008 ban on United Nations (UN) and international humanitarian organizations from operating in the northern region of the country, in addition to ensuring that these organizations are free from government interference so they may independently supervise both parties of the conflict and respond to the humanitarian crisis; © halting all government policies and actions aimed against the Tamil minority of Sri Lanka; and (d) supporting the peace process and efforts of the UN that will invest in infrastructure, education and provide significant support for the Tamil population of Sri Lanka.

We put forward this motion because we felt it was important that the government take action. This is not an academic debate we are holding this evening, but an emergency debate. In fact, if further measures are not taken in the near future, the situation will not change for the Tamil people in northern Sri Lanka, who are suffering enormously.

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That is why we put forward the motion. That is why we requested an emergency debate today, to change things. Canada is home to the largest Tamil diaspora in the world. There are 300,000 Canadians of Tamil origin. They make an enormous contribution to our country. Given this role Canada plays, it is important that our government take strong, decisive action.

[English]

The Tamil population has enriched all of Canada from coast to coast to coast. As a representative for Burnaby—New Westminster, I speak for the incredible enrichment we have received from new Canadians of Tamil origin who have come to live in my riding. It is one of the most diverse populations in the entire country. The Tamil population, the presence of Tamil centres of faith, and the dynamic businesses that have been founded by Tamil Canadians in my riding have enriched the cities of Burnaby and New Westminster enormously. I see the contribution that Tamil Canadians make to our country every day.

We have a responsibility to ensure that our fellow Canadians of Tamil origin feel that our country is responding to this humanitarian crisis with the decisiveness and force that it merits. I would like to read into the record for those who may feel that this crisis is taking place on the other side of the planet and is therefore something that Canadians should not be concerned about. Canadians watching tonight may feel that somehow it does not touch them, but I believe that as more Canadians become aware of the suffering we are seeing in northern Sri Lanka, they will be pressing this Parliament and this government to take decisive action.

I would like to begin by reading from an article by Stephanie Nolen that talks about the situation. This was only a few days ago in northern Sri Lanka. Stephanie Nolen wrote the article under the headline, “How can people say this is peace? Eastern Sri Lanka chafes under the oppressive rule of a government that says it is committed to democracy”. She wrote:

In the local office of Sri Lanka's national Human Rights Commission here in this eastern seaside town, they have statistics: Ninety-eight people were abducted in this area last year, snatched off the streets by the infamous white vans with no licence plates that are used by government security agencies. Eighty-five other Tamils simply disappeared. At the commission they have case files and police reports.

But none of the staff will talk about them. “We are helpless,” one staff member said apologetically, ushering a visiting journalist out of the office. “We would like to help the people but we have to be afraid for our lives, too”.

And who do they fear at this government office? The government.

Eastern Sri Lanka offers insight into what the north of the country - the area that until weeks ago was held by the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam - will soon look like. The Tigers have lost all but a tiny portion of their territory to a punishing air and ground assault by government forces, launched by a president determined to end the country's 25-year-old civil war to win elections in April.

This article speaks to what has been a systematic approach by the government, referred to in Stephanie Nolan's following article, where she says:

Tamils and other opponents of the government who look around the country today will probably take little comfort in the promise of a just peace.

The east—which came under government control in 2006, after the No. 2 Tiger leader split off with several thousand fighters and allied with Colombo—remains heavily militarized and is actively being “Sinhalized”, with areas losing their Tamil names and Hindu shrines being converted to Buddhist worship sites.

Meanwhile, two weeks ago in the capital, the country's leading anti-corruption journalist was assassinated by gunmen on motorbikes, a crime the government limply condemned. International observers put the blame squarely on state intelligence agencies.

From Stephanie Nolan's articles, we have seen what it is like in the so-called peaceful areas of Sri Lanka, where there is active assimilation being attempted against the Tamil minority.

I would like to continue by referring to a New York Times article from yesterday that talks about what the situation is like in the war zone. The headline is “Wounded Flee Shelling Of a Hospital In Sri Lanka”, and it was written by Somini Sengupta.

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The article begins:

The wounded had poured into the hospital over the last several weeks, some ferried on tractors, others on the backs of motorcycles, international aid workers said, as the war between the Sri Lankan military and the ethnic Tamil rebels moved farther and farther into a small corner of Sri Lanka's northeastern coast.

Then the hospital, in the rebel-held village of Puthukkudiyiruppu, became a target. Artillery attacks, which began on Sunday and hit the pediatric ward and other parts of the hospital, continued through Tuesday. One shell landed in the surgery ward on Tuesday afternoon, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross, which helps run the hospital. Another shell came 70 minutes later.

When it was clear that even the hospital was not safe, the wounded began to flee. It was not known where they went. Before Tuesday's attack, at least 12 had been killed inside the hospital, the Red Cross said. Final casualty figures were not available.

Just from these three articles, we can see not only the tragedy of the war zone, the indiscriminate shelling. We can see and we have heard many reports of abductions and disappearances in the non-war zones held by the Sri Lankan military. We have heard and we have seen from human rights organizations, even though they are reporting from abroad because essentially they have been forced out of areas where they should be monitoring human rights violations, that essentially for much of the ethnic Tamil population, their population of women and children have been locked up in prison.

What we see from these articles and from other human rights reports is a systematic campaign. In areas where there is military action, we see indiscriminate shelling of hospitals. In areas that have been essentially brought to peace, we see what Stephanie Nolan referred to as forced assimilation.

Now I would like to move to Human Rights Watch and its report: “Besieged, Displaced, and Detained” which talks more about the situation in areas of Sri Lanka. It states:

Tamil civilians seeking to flee fighting in Sri Lanka's north during the 25-year-long civil war have long been subject to arbitrary detention in camps and other restrictions on their freedom of movement. Still, most could hope to stay with relatives or host families in other parts of Sri Lanka. The government's March 2008 decision to establish new camps seems intended to eliminate that possibility entirely. Since then, all Tamils-including whole families-fleeing the Vanni have been detained on the apparent assumption that they are a security threat. No attempt is made by Sri Lankan security forces to distinguish between persons with suspected LTTE links and ordinary civilians. The only exceptions appear to be for some local humanitarian workers and clergy, who have been able to enter and exit the Vanni.

We could literally spend hours reading into the record Amnesty International reports, Red Cross reports, Human Rights Watch reports. Systematically, we are building a body of evidence that undeniably points to the fact that we are looking at forced assimilation and human rights violations on a widespread basis against Tamil civilians in northern Sri Lanka and in eastern Sri Lanka. That is why it is incumbent on the government to act. The report continues:

Despite repeated assurances from Sri Lankan authorities since April 2008 that many of the displaced persons detained in the two camps, particularly those originally from Trincomalee and Vavuniya districts, would be permitted to leave, as of December 15, 2008, only 65 persons had been released. On October 23, two persons from Kilinochchi district detained in Kalimoddai were allowed to move out of the camp to a host family in Vavuniya; on October 24, 25 persons, including three families who had been detained after returning from India, were released from Kalimoddai and Sirunkandal camps and returned to their home area of Trincomalee.

The civilians in the two camps are being held against their will. The camps are completely fenced, and are closely guarded by Sri Lankan navy and army personnel, and the police. The security forces have refused to allow the civilians to leave the camps-except under tight restrictions described below-and integrate into local communities or live with host families.

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The report continues:

Available information indicates that the restrictions on movement for displaced persons in the camps are increasingly becoming stricter, particularly for single men. After security incidents such as escape or suicide attempts, the security forces have prohibited young men from leaving the camp altogether for extended periods.

After a young man went missing from Kalimoddai in October-it remains unclear whether he escaped or was abducted-virtually no single detainees were allowed to leave the camp under any circumstances, a restriction still in place at the time of finalization of this report....

The Sri Lankan security forces claim that 13 camp residents have "escaped," but detainees told humanitarian workers the men may have been abducted or “disappeared.”

It continues:

Government hostility toward the humanitarian community

The almost immediate withdrawal of the UN and NGOs from the Vanni following the order of the defense secretary remains controversial. One factor that likely weighed heavily on the humanitarian organizations was the August 2006 execution-style slayings of 17 Sri Lankan aid workers working for Action Contre la Faim (ACF), a Paris-based humanitarian organization, in the eastern town of Mutur following the withdrawal of LTTE forces.

There are strong indications, Human Rights Watch indicates, of the involvement of government security forces in the killing. An inquiry by the attorney general and in a slow moving investigation into the killings, established soon after the killings, to examine this and other serious cases, have faced government interference and obstruction. To date no one has been held accountable for the killings.

The reports, the articles, the eye witnesses, all of these point to a systematic campaign. That is why Canada must speak up and why Canada needs to provide a lot more than the $3 million, basically at $10 a head for the hundreds of thousands of displaced persons in northern Sri Lanka; $3 million to deal with a humanitarian crisis of that magnitude, to deal with the human rights abuses of that order and to deal with a systematic campaign against the whole population. Three million dollars is simply not sufficient.

One may consider it insulting. I consider it a very small down payment on what is a humanitarian crisis to which Canada must respond.

The recommendations the Human Rights Watch brought forward were also contained, as I mentioned earlier, in the NDP motion brought forward last week, but also in our letters and correspondence to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The recommendations from Human Rights Watch are very explicit. To the government of Sri Lanka it has recommended and pushed that the order banning humanitarian agencies must be stopped, that the arbitrary and indefinite detention of civilians must be stopped, that security forces must respect human rights, that NGOs must be able to perform their work without government interference, that independent observers must be permitted in this zone and that donor governments must work together to monitor human rights in northern Sri Lanka.

We are not talking about an academic debate. We are talking about a crisis. Real people are dying and real people are suffering. Canada must respond in a very strong and forceful way to ensure the government respects human rights and to ensure that our resources go in a meaningful way to address the suffering in northern Sri Lanka.

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Mr. Gerard Kennedy (Parkdale—High Park, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the members for Brampton West and Scarborough—Rouge River.

I rise in this chamber a little reluctantly because I know there are expectant eyes on us today. What I wanted to stay here for and hear the debate was mainly to respond to them and to some of the faces I saw campaigning and knocking on doors in my riding and what happened from time to time when someone would say that I had to do something about what was going on in Sri Lanka. Someone would explain some part of something that was very difficult to comprehend in terms of what was happening to a member of an immediate family.

We stand in this chamber saying that we are having an emergency debate and I cannot imagine what the people who have experienced what has been going on Sri Lanka for months or years in terms of the most recent conflict but for years in terms of the turmoil must be thinking it takes to define an emergency for the hon. members of the House and how sincere this debate is tonight in that respect.

The test for us certainly has to be that an emergency debate covers an emergency that touches Canadian principles of when we should start to be very concerned. I do not have the knowledge that some of the other people do of the situation on the ground but I can tell the House that Canadian principles would say that we should have had an emergency debate long before tonight.

What I say to that is not to celebrate some kind of superiority in contrast to that of the government but to reflect to the people whose eyes are on us tonight how much work we need to do to be better as Canadians.

We used to have a reflex to be among the first people to understand when there was a meaningful intervention to be made. It was made by people in this chamber, some of whom still have seats here, with much more urgency and much more effectiveness, working with bands of nations and not for show, not to make people feel comfortable that their voices were finally reflected here, but actually to get something done.

I say to people tonight that we need to do better. We need to have some sense of the good fortune that we have here. I say to some of the eyes that are upon us, it is not reasonable to expect that this chamber, the parties in it and the members in it, can take sides per se. Nor can we say to the considerable Tamil community in Canada that we want anyone here to take sides in the sense of being part of conflicts. Conflicts cannot come to Canada.

However, what can come here and what every citizen is entitled to with the same respect as any other, no matter when they joined our population, is a sharpened sense on the part of Canada of understanding where those needs are.

We have the population to inform us, to make us sophisticated, to make us capable of intervening and understanding far ahead of most of the nations on earth and we failed that test. It is right for the members of that community, on that basis as Canadian citizens, to come here looking for redress, looking for some real answers in what is going forward, looking for, yes, as people have said, more by way of aid but hopefully something different than that.

For those people who might be observing this debate and wondering what this has to so with conditions in Canada, I can assure them that we would not be having this debate here tonight if things did not happen in terms of 9/11, in terms of the reactions of our country to the threat and real fear that people started to feel. What that did was change some of the terms under which we injected ourselves into international dialogue and debate. It made us, without judgment of the people opposite, more conservative.

We made a mistake. We loss touch with our Canadian citizenry. We had a character test and we did not do well because we took a gross generality that somehow every liberation group, everybody rising up, we should stand back and watch them be attacked with military force.

A previous generation of Canadians thought differently. Lester Pearson thought differently. Other Canadians increasingly found ways to be imaginative, to be creative and to find solutions. Some Canadians with seats in this House have tried that. We need to try more. We need to be in dialogue with Canadians. They need to understand our principles of peace, of intervention, of creativity and of working multilaterally that can be put to work to find solutions.

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The people whose eyes are on us tonight should expect us not just to finish this debate but to move forward with some kind of new purpose and intention, with some of the horror and some of the difficulty people have experienced translated into something better in terms of the exercise of Canadian principles. They have a right to expect that. I look forward to contributing.

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Mr. Borys Wrzesnewskyj (Etobicoke Centre, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, it seems incomprehensible that up until this point the Prime Minister has, as of yet, not called in the high commissioner for Sri Lanka to explain to him, in the sternest language, that what is taking place is unacceptable. It seems incomprehensible that the Minister of Foreign Affairs has not called his counterparts in the Commonwealth. It is incomprehensible that the Prime Minister has not instructed his diplomats at the UN to raise this issue.

Does the hon. member have any explanation as to why the government continues to be silent on this file?

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Mr. Gerard Kennedy:

Mr. Speaker, the easy answer is that there is no real good explanation.

However, I think we should all reflect a little bit. If we want a better standard for the House, why was it easy for the government not to respond on April 23 of last year when the member for Toronto Centre stood up in the House and said that we had an incipient emergency. How is that possible?

It is possible to arm's-length ourselves, not just that government and that Prime Minister but ourselves from a humanitarian crisis by some of the excuses we have been using. We just need to invoke the word “terrorism” and it gives us a shield, and it is wrong. It is a failure on our part.

I invite members opposite, as we have invited them on economic conditions and other things, to adopt a Canadian standard. It is not an exercise in our personal ideologies. It is an exercise in developing where Canada is going to go. By putting that shield around it we make it harder to actually reckon with those realities and we have become less Canadian as a result.

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Mr. Derek Lee (Scarborough—Rouge River, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, we have had a good debate tonight in this emergency debate. I have a couple of things that I want to add to it.

I think there has been a kind of a victory here today in Ottawa. A lot of Canadians over the last few days have been demonstrating publicly in Canada to bring attention to this issue of civilians at risk in Sri Lanka. They have done it peacefully. Today they have come to Ottawa in large numbers and brought that issue to their Parliament and I would have to say they have successfully done that. Thanks to the Speaker and the seven members of Parliament who asked for the emergency debate today, that issue was actually put on the floor of the House.

I think we will succeed here as Canadians in shining a light on this very serious situation in Sri Lanka. The government of Sri Lanka may not like it. It may think that we are meddling, but this is a very serious human rights issue and I think we have every right, representing Canadians, to shine a light on the death, destruction and displacement now taking place in Sri Lanka as the government of Sri Lanka pursues its, arguably, legitimate military objectives, but not in a way that is consistent with our view of human rights.

I myself have had the opportunity to visit Sri Lanka, as have other members in the House. We are grateful for that. It is a beautiful place, scarred by this war.

I sent a letter on this issue to the high commissioner for Sri Lanka last November. I have not had a reply yet. I am sure in the fullness of time, he will grace us with a reply.

I held a forum in my riding less than a year ago involving Sri Lankan Canadians, those of Tamil origin, Sinhalese origin and the other minorities. It was a successful forum in which all those Canadians participated and discussed frankly these issues in Sri Lanka.

The second thing I want to say is regarding the battle that is going on there now, the military conflict. It might end the current phase of whatever is happening now, and it might even end the war, but it will not end the struggle in Sri Lanka for fairness, for equal rights and for respect for the minorities there. This struggle will always be there until it is achieved by the people together. Whether or not the violence ends now, sooner or later that sad but beautiful island must address the pressing issues of reconstruction, reconciliation and political accommodation. These are things that must happen in Sri Lanka. Whether one more drop of blood is shed there or not, or if more or less blood is shed, those goals and objectives, that reconciliation, must happen. It is not worth more bloodshed and suffering. Right now we look at the civilians there and we see the suffering. More bloodshed will not change any of that. It will not get us to those goals.

The debate in this House tonight has clearly shone a light on this very dire humanitarian situation. We have successfully done it as Canadians. We here in the House, if I take the sense of all of the speeches and sentiments expressed here tonight, are calling upon the government of Sri Lanka to accept and agree to engineer a ceasefire to protect innocent civilians and to begin the work of building an equitable peace in Sri Lanka.

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Mr. Andrew Kania (Brampton West, Lib.):

Mr. Speaker, I want to compliment all of my hon. colleagues from all parties who took the time to be here to show their commitment to this issue.

What really matters is finding a permanent solution. To get there, we have to understand the history of this conflict. It started principally because the minority in that country were not being treated fairly. They were not allowed to attend universities on the same basis. Their language was being restricted. They were told what religion was the official religion of the country. These are things that obviously were unacceptable, that Canadians would not accept, and that they should not have to accept.

Political solutions were tried, but they failed and eventually violence came to be. That was wrong. That was the practical result of grievances not being addressed. Once again, that was wrong.

If the grievances are not addressed on a permanent basis now, history could repeat itself. Even if this conflict ends and the Tamils of the north are defeated, it does not mean the conflict will end. It could be extended. There could be another 37 years of another type of conflict, even on a more limited basis. We need a permanent solution. How do we get there?

I am happy that the government brought forward its position today. It should have happened a long time ago. It could have anticipated this problem back in 2008 when the government essentially said that the ceasefire was over. Something should have been done at that point. We should have sent somebody in, negotiated and stopped it when it first started. We should have done something at that stage. It did not happen. It is better late than never, but it is very late.

In terms of helping the people now, we have to ensure that the $3 million that is being committed actually reaches the people. Everybody on all sides of the House has heard the stories about aid that has been stopped either by the government or by the Tamil Tigers. It does not matter who did it. All that matters at this stage is that the money gets through to help the people.

Essentially there is a group of people, roughly the same size as the population of Hamilton, who are in a war zone and are being fired on. We need to help them. Money is only part of it. We need to get a Canadian representative, perhaps the Canadian high commissioner, but it does not even matter who, to stop it, to help negotiate and try to achieve something constructive.

If that does not happen, the next step is to put increased pressure on them. Why not, even for a short period of time, recall the Canadian high commissioner? We must make a statement that does something to pressure other countries of the world and show that Canada has taken a stand. There could be trade sanctions. We must do something to let them know that it is not just words. Respectfully, this statement today unto itself is just words. We need to do more.

The point behind all of this is that we must look for a constructive permanent solution. I would like the government to develop immediately a policy of financial assistance and to do more to try to end the conflict, but thereafter there should be a leadership role, as we used to have as peacekeepers, in order to build a permanent solution there, such as a political structure that treats the minority fairly so that we end the conflict finally, not just on a short-term temporary measure.

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Mr. Paul Calandra (Oak Ridges—Markham, CPC):

Mr. Speaker, I wonder if the hon. member might comment on what specific concerns he might have with the agencies that we have selected to carry out the aid to the people of Sri Lanka in the hardest hit areas, specifically the International Committee of the Red Cross, Oxfam Canada, Médecins Sans Frontières, Care Canada and World Vision.

Can the member shine some light on any specific issues that he has with these organizations? Are there any specific concerns? Why does the member not have confidence in these organizations to actually get the aid to the people who need it in the areas that are affected?

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Mr. Andrew Kania:

Mr. Speaker, the point is not whether one supports or does not support other organizations. They are all worthwhile organizations. The point is to help the 300,000 people who are trapped, as fast as possible and in the best possible manner, and to construct a permanent solution.

When Lester Pearson won the Nobel Peace Prize, he did not say to look to other organizations and maybe they can do it. He did it. I want Canada to take a lead role right now to help these people, without excuses that other people could not get the job done.

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The Acting Speaker (Mr. Barry Devolin):

There being no further members rising for debate, I declare the motion carried. Accordingly, this House stands adjourned until tomorrow at 10 a.m., pursuant to Standing Order 24(1).

(Motion agreed to)

(The House adjourned at 11:05 p.m.)

[நிழலி]

கனேடிய வெளிவிவகார அமைச்சர் லோரன்ஸ் கனொன் வெளியிட்டுள்ள அறிக்கையில் இலங்கையில் மோதலில் ஈடுபட்டுள்ள இரு தரப்பினரும் மோதல் தவிர்பினை அறிவித்து யுத்தத்தால் பாதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ள மக்கள் பாதுகாப்பாக வெளியேறுவதற்கு அனுமதிக்க வேண்டும் என்று கோரியுள்ளார்.

பாதுகாப்பு வலயங்களாக அறிவிக்கப்பட்ட பிரதேசங்கள் மீது மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டு வரும் தொடர்ச்சியான எறிகணை தாக்குதல்கள் மற்றும் விமானத்தாக்குதல்களை கனேடிய அரசாங்கம் வன்மையாக கண்டிப்பதாகவும் கனொன் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்

அரசாங்கத்துடன் பேச்சுவார்த்தைகளில் ஈடுபடுவதற்கு ஏற்ற வகையில் விடுதலைப் புலிகள் தமது ஆயுதங்களை களைய வேண்டும் என்றும் அவ்வாறு ஆயுதக் களைவினை மேற்கொள்ள வேண்டும் என்றும் அவர் வலியுறுத்தியுள்ளார்.

தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகளுடன் பேச்சுவார்த்தைகளில் ஈடுபடுவதானால் அவர்கள் ஆயுதங்களை களைய வேண்டும் என்ற நிலைப்பாட்டில் அரசாங்கம் தொடர்ந்தும் உறுதியுடன் இருப்பதால் மேலதிக உயிரிழப்புகளை தவிர்க்கும் நோக்கில் புலிகள் ஆயுதங்களை களைய வேண்டும் என்று அவர் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார்.

கடந்த வெள்ளிக்கிழமை கனடாவில் வாழும் தமிழ் மக்களால் இலங்கை அரசாங்கம் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டு வரும் தாக்குதல்களை கண்டிக்கும் வகையிலான பேரணி ஒன்று நடத்தப்பட்டிருந்தமை குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.

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