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  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

என்னால் படங்கள் இணைக்க முடியாமல் உள்ளது.யாராவது தெரிந்தவர்கள் விபரமாகக் கூறவும்

நன்றி

இங்கு போய் பாருங்க கலைநேசன்.

http://www.yarl.com/forum3/index.php?autom...mp;showentry=25

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No, here it is :

google translate ஐ பயன்படுத்தி தமிழில் எழுதி அதை copy பண்ணி paste செய்யுங்கள். இது பற்றி எனக்கு தெரியவில்லை. நீங்கள் யாழ் அரிச்சுவடி பகுதியில் புதிதாக ஒரு தலைப்பு தொடங்கி ஏதாவது எழு

எழுட்சியும் வீரமும் தமிழீழப் போருக்கு உரமூட்ட இழப்பின் கண்ணீரோடும் எதிர்காலக் கனவுகளோடும் வணக்கம் தமிழீழ உறவுகளே ! யாருக்கும் இல்லாத பெருமையும் எவருக்கும் இல்லாத தொன்மையும் உடைய இந்த தமிழினம் எப

  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

நன்றி கறுப்பி அக்கா

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறுப்பினர்கள்

களத்தின் பல பகுதிகளில் இங்கு இனுமதி இல்லை என்ற அறிவிப்பு வந்து மிரட்டுகிறதே. அப்படியானால் எங்குதான் நான் எழுதுவது?

இப்படியே இந்தப் பக்கத்தில் இருந்து பலம்பிக் கொண்டிருக்கவா? அல்லது யாழ் அரிச்சுவடியில் "அ" முதல் "ஃ" வரை எழுதிப் பழகிக் கொண்டே இருக்கவா?

இப்ப நான் என்ன செய்ய?

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

களத்தின் பல பகுதிகளில் இங்கு இனுமதி இல்லை என்ற அறிவிப்பு வந்து மிரட்டுகிறதே. அப்படியானால் எங்குதான் நான் எழுதுவது?

இப்படியே இந்தப் பக்கத்தில் இருந்து பலம்பிக் கொண்டிருக்கவா? அல்லது யாழ் அரிச்சுவடியில் "அ" முதல் "ஃ" வரை எழுதிப் பழகிக் கொண்டே இருக்கவா?

இப்ப நான் என்ன செய்ய?

உங்களை அனுமதித்த பகுதிகளில் எல்லாம் எழுதுங்க.

பிறகு மற்ற பகுதிகளில் எழுத அனுமதி கிடைக்கும். :lol:

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறுப்பினர்கள்

தகவல் தந்ததுக்கு நன்றி கறுப்பி. ஆனாலும் எந்த எந்தப் பக்கங்களில் அனுமதி இருக்கிறது என்பதை எப்பிடிக் கண்டறிவது?

அப்படி அனுமதி இருக்கிற பக்கத்திலை எழுதுறதுக்கு தேவை ஒண்டும் இல்லை எண்டால் என்ன செய்யிறது? சும்மா வீம்புக்குப் போய் எழுதிக் கொண்டிருக்கிறதா?

சரி சும்மா இருந்தால் அனுமதி தருவார்கள் என்பதற்கு என்ன உத்தரவாதம்? "நீங்கள் ஒன்றுமே எழுதவில்லை ஆகவே உங்களுக்கு அனுமதி இல்லை "என்று சொல்ல மாட்டார்களா?

தலையைச் சுத்துது சாமி

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

தகவல் தந்ததுக்கு நன்றி கறுப்பி. ஆனாலும் எந்த எந்தப் பக்கங்களில் அனுமதி இருக்கிறது என்பதை எப்பிடிக் கண்டறிவது?

அப்படி அனுமதி இருக்கிற பக்கத்திலை எழுதுறதுக்கு தேவை ஒண்டும் இல்லை எண்டால் என்ன செய்யிறது? சும்மா வீம்புக்குப் போய் எழுதிக் கொண்டிருக்கிறதா?

சரி சும்மா இருந்தால் அனுமதி தருவார்கள் என்பதற்கு என்ன உத்தரவாதம்? "நீங்கள் ஒன்றுமே எழுதவில்லை ஆகவே உங்களுக்கு அனுமதி இல்லை "என்று சொல்ல மாட்டார்களா?

தலையைச் சுத்துது சாமி

உதாரணமாய் நீங்க அறிமுகம் மற்றும் கவிதைகள் பகுதியில் எழுதலாமே.

மற்றவர்களின் கவித்திறமையை பாராட்டி எழுதுவதும் ஒரு அழகுதானே <_<

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அன்பான உறவுகளே,

எனக்கு "லலிதாவின் கதை!" க்கு கருத்து எழுத முடியவில்லை. என்ன செய்ய வேண்டும்?

நன்றி

வணக்கம்

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யாழ் களத்தில் நண்பர்கள் கருத்தாடல் அற்புதமாக உள்ளது.எல்லாவற்றிலும் பங்கு பெற ஆசை. களவிதிப்படி அனுமதிக்கப்பட்ட பகுதிகளில் பங்கு பெறுகிறேன்.

இப்படிக்கு

தேவப்பிரியா

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறுப்பினர்கள்

வணக்கம், உங்களை யாழ் இணையத்திற்கு அன்புடன் வரவேற்கின்றோம்.

தமிழில் எப்படி எழுதுவது என்று இங்கு பார்க்கவும். => http://www.yarl.com/forum3/index.php?showtopic=20

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

வணக்கம் மோகன் அண்ணா

களப்பிரிவுகளில் இணைந்துகொள்ள ஆர்வமும் ஆசையும் உள்ளது தயவு செய்து என்னையும் இணைத்து கொள்வீர்களா

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

தம்பி மோகன் நன்றியப்பு

வேற பேரில வாற பிளான் இப்போதைக்கு இல்லை என்றாலும் நன்றி

:wink: :wink: :wink: :idea: :idea: :idea:

வந்த நாங்களே உள்ளுக்கு போறதுக்கு வழிதெரியாமல் நிற்கிறம் அப்பு என்னட்டால் வேறபெயரிலயும் வரத்திட்டம் போடுறார்.. :wub::lol::wub:

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

களப்பிரிவுகளில் இணைந்துகொள்ள ஆர்வமும் ஆசையும் உள்ளது தயவு செய்து என்னையும் இணைத்து கொள்வீர்களா

இப்படிக்கு குட்டிபைய்யன்

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

தம்பி மோகன் அண்ணனையும் உள்ளே சேர்த்துவிடுவீர்களோ? வணக்கம்

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தயவுசெய்து எனக்கு மற்றைய பக்கங்களில் எழுத அனுமதி தருவீர்களா? விரைவில் தந்தால் மிகவும் உதவியாக இருக்கும். நன்றி

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

உறவுகளுக்கு இனிய வணக்கங்கள்.

யாழ் களத்தின் ரசிகன் நான். இங்கு நான் படிக்கும் பல கருதுக்கள் என்னை சிந்திக்கவும், சிரிக்கவும் வைக்கின்றன.

ஆனால், நான் இன்று தான் யாழில் இணைந்தேன். எனது கருத்துகளை எழுத விரும்புகிறேன். மட்டுறுதினரின் அனுமதிகாக காத்திருகிறேன். தயவுசெய்து அனுமதி தருவீர்களா?

நன்றி

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நான் யாழின் நெடு நாள் வாசகன். கடந்த வருடத்தில் தான் நானும் உறுபினராக இணைந்து கருத்து எழுத வேண்டும் எண்ட ஆசை ஏற்பட்டது. ஆனால் இப்போது தான் அதற்குரிய நேரம் கிடைத்துள்ளது. இது தான் எனது முதல் பதிவு, ஆகவே நான் எதாவது தவறு வேடும் பட்சத்தில் கள உறவுகளாகிய நீங்கள் எனக்கு கை கொடுத்து உதவி செய்வீர்கள் என நம்புறன். நான் தற்போது கூகிள் மூலமான மொழி பெயர்பியின் உதவயுடனேயே கருத்து எழுதுகிறன். மற்றைய முறை எனக்கு விளங்கவில்லை. யாராவது தெரிந்தவர்கள் உதவி செய்ய முடயுமா? :)

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறவுகள்

i already registered with yarl.com. but i couldnt write any comments. It says only special members can write this. Can u pls help me

:rolleyes:

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  • கருத்துக்கள உறுப்பினர்கள்

i already registered with yarl.com. but i couldnt write any comments. It says only special members can write this. Can u pls help me

me too plz help

tanks

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i already registered with yarl.com. but i couldnt write any comments. It says only special members can write this. Can u pls help me

me too plz help

tanks

i already registered with yarl.com. but i couldnt write any comments. It says only special members can write this. Can u pls help me

:rolleyes:

இருவருக்கும் தனிமடல் அனுப்பப்பட்டுள்ளது.

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    • கொவிட்டில் மரணிக்கும் முஸ்லிம்களின் ஜனாசாக்களை எரிக்கும் பொறுப்பை ஜனாதிபதியே ஏற்கவேண்டும்: முஜிபுர் (எம்.ஆர்.எம்.வசீம்) அரசாங்கத்தின் அனைத்து விடயங்களையும் பொறுப்பேற்பதாக ஜனாதிபதி தெரிவித்திருக்கின்றார். அப்படியானால் கொவிட்டில் மரணிப்பவர்களின் சடலங்களை அடக்குவதால் பிரச்சினை இல்லை என நிபுணர்கள்குழு தெரிவித்திருந்தும் அரசாங்கம் தொடர்ந்து சடலங்களை எரித்து வருகின்றது. முஸ்லிம்கள் ஜனாசாக்களை எரிக்கும் பொறுப்பையும் ஜனாதிபதியே ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளவேண்டும் என பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் முஜிபுர் ரஹ்மான் தெரிவித்தார். கொவிட்டில் மரணிப்பவர்களை அடக்கம் செய்ய முடியும் என தெரிவித்து, சுகாதார அமைச்சினால் நியமிக்கப்பட்ட நிபுணர்குழுவின் அறிக்கையை அரசாங்கம் செயற்படுத்தாமல் இருப்பது தொடர்பாக கருத்து தெரிவிக்கையிலேயே இவ்வாறு குறிப்பிட்டார். மேலும், கொவிட்டில் மரணிப்பவர்களை அடக்கம் செய்வது தொடர்பாக  அரசாங்கத்துக்கு தீர்மானம் எடுக்கமுடியாது. அது சுகாதாரம் தொடர்பான பிரச்சினை என்பதால் சுகாதார பிரிவினரின் தீர்மானத்துக்கமைய செயற்பட தயார் என அரசாங்கம் தெரிவித்து வந்தது. அதன் பிரகாரம் கொவிட்டில் மரணிப்பவர்களின் சடலங்களை அடக்கம் செய்யலாமா என ஆராய்ந்து அறிக்கை சமர்ப்பிக்குமாறு சுகாதார அமைச்சினால் விசேட நிபுணர்கள் குழுவொன்றை நியமித்திருந்தது. குறித்த குழு தனது அறிக்கையை கடந்த மாதம் இறுதியில் சுகாதார அமைச்சுக்கு கையளித்திருந்தது. அத்துடன் அரசாங்கத்தின் தொழிநுட்ப குழுவின் வைரஸ் தொடர்பான நிபுணர்கள் இல்லை. அதில் சட்ட வைத்தியர்களும் அரசாங்க வைத்திய அதிகாரிகளின் ஆலோசனையாளர்களுமே இருக்கின்றனர். ஆனால் சுகாதார அமைச்சினால் அமைக்கப்பட்ட நிபுணர்குழுவின் 11பேரில் 6பேர் வைரஸ் தொடர்பான விசேட நிபுணர்களாகும். ஏனையவர்கள் வேறு துறைசார்ந்த நிபுணர்கள். இவர்களின் அறிக்கையை அரசாங்கம் தற்போது மறைப்பது அரசியல் நோக்கத்துக்காகும் என்றார்.    https://www.virakesari.lk/article/99071
    • Sri Lanka: Is The Heta Nama Lakshaya (Sixty-Nine Lakhs) Fizzling Out?       by Mass L. Usuf This column attempts to address a different perspective on the burial or cremation disagreement. Therefore, no in-depth references will be made to science, myth or racism which are often associated with the issue.  Political rally in Sri Lanka  Focus is directed on the subjects of Procedural Justice and Social Justice.  Though the word justice is used, it is not in relation to law or the legal system.  The objective is to focus on these two areas in order to ascertain their psychological impact on the masses. In turn, to provide an understanding of the empirical changes in the perception about the President, Prime Minister and the government. Extending the discussion further, crass deficiency in social justice locally can also have international ramifications.  The primary argument is built on the premise of the (Heta nama lakshaya) sixty-nine lakh so called Sinhala voter base and the domineering influence of a certain section of the monks (a handful).  The Heta nama lakshaya is itself a flawed argument but not relevant to this column. Generally, government decisions are taken based on merits but the issue of burial or cremation is a maverick exception to this norm.  This is where the fairness of any deliberative procedure in the decision-making process has been compromised.  Why so, perhaps to satisfy the arbitrarily decided preferred direction to suit the obstinacy of one or several.  This is an inappropriate display of power but with a cost attached to it. Psychological Impact Researchers studying the outcome of unfair decision-making have remarked on its psychological impact on the masses.  Those who have experienced unfairness directly and, those who have witnessed it happening to others, begin to lose confidence in the government and its top administrators.   The conditions for procedural justice have been recognized under six criteria: (a) consistent application, (b) lack of bias, (c) availability and use of accurate information, (d) ability to appeal and correct flawed decisions, (e) ethicality, and (f) representativeness. (Leventhal & Others, 1980). The failure of the government to consider these qualitative factors in policy formulation and being unfair and unjust prejudicially will shift loyalty.  On 09 November 2020, the response to a web poll conducted (though not scientific) by the Daily Mirror provides some sense to the analysis of what the government does and what the masses think that the government is doing.  To the question, ‘Do you feel that the government has a clear and consistent policy to combat the current Covid 19 outbreak’, the response was a staggering 95.2%,  “NO”.   A major part of this dissatisfaction, inter alia, may be safely attributed to the burial and cremation issue which unnecessarily has invited wide national and international interest.  The government must realise at least now that they have placed themselves in a serious predicament. The unprofessional manner in which they have handled the burial issue is inacceptable. Neural Sensitivity To Justice The average person is not a scholar of procedural justice and the conditions which go to justify it.  However, common sense prevails in the reasonable man. When people perceive decision-making procedures have not conformed to what is manifestly clear and just, the natural instinct of fairness and reasonableness are triggered.  The example of the unsubstantiated and unscientific stand of the government denying burial on the face of scientifically evidenced facts, is a case in point.  Research has shown that when individuals perceive decision-making procedures as unfair, they express less commitment to the organization administering them and a less willingness to engage in voluntary actions on the organization’s behalf (Colquitt, 2001). The Journal of Neuroscience of 19 March 2014 in a study of ‘Justice Sensitivity Predicts Neural Response ….’ notes as follows:  “Morality is a fundamental component of human cultures and has been defined as prescriptive norms regarding how people should treat one another, including concepts such as justice, fairness, and rights.  This study provides important knowledge on how individual differences in justice sensitivity impact neural computations that support psychological processes involved in moral judgment and mental-state reasoning.”  (Keith J. Yoder and Jean Decety). When the people learn that they have been taken for a ride by the professionals and the authorities, the tide would obviously turn against them.  This fact is proven by a recent web poll conducted by the same local newspaper the Daily Mirror on 12 December 2020. A whopping 81.9% voted in favour of allowing burial with restrictions.  The level of disagreement earlier in terms of numbers against burial seems to have diminished.  The diminution can be attributed to the availability of new evidence that burial is a safe mode of disposal of the covid 19 infected deaths. Social Justice In Politics Social justice concerns are typically regarded to be moral concerns. Research reveals, for example, if someone is treated unfairly in a given society, people generally regard this to be morally wrong. Communication Psychology Professor Tobias Rothmund, writes, ‘social justice depends upon procedures, norms, and rules that govern political decisions to preserve the basic rights, liberties, and entitlements of individuals and groups.’   (The Psychology of Social Justice in Political Thought …”). Leventhal studies (ibid.) show that inconsistency in the application of policies, bias, inaccurate information, not correcting wrong decisions, lack of ethics all symbolizes the direct conflict with the norm of procedural justices.  The burial issue is an excellent case study in this regard because it has all these ingredients which defies procedural justice and social justice.  They psychologically impact on the neural sensitivity to moral judgment and sense of justice in the people. A subsequent web poll held by the Daily Mirror on 18 January 2021 accentuates this analysis. Here, it was asked that the government in 2021 should focus on the following: 1) Conducting provincial council polls – 0.3% 2) Boosting tourism – 1.1% 3) Repatriating migrant workers - 2.8% 4) Obtaining Covid 19 vaccine - 8.2% 5) Resolve dispute over burial and cremations – 87.6% A large majority (87.6%) had voted demanding a resolution to the dispute over burial and cremation.  This gives an indicator of how important procedural and social justice are and the manner in which these can psychologically affect the thinking of the masses.  The consequence will be that the President, Prime Minister and the government before long will find the 69-lakh vessel almost empty due to the slow leakage from it. Hyped-Up Nonsense The religio-cultural and ethnic trauma that people experience due to basic human rights violations impact even on stable governance initiatives. It is good to stop this hyped-up nonsense of burial being a danger to the living humans.  This lie cannot be sustained any further. If the government does not act in time, the 69-lakhs will gradually dissipate based on the psychological sensitivity of the people to what should be fair, reasonable and just. In this context Covid 19 infected cadavers should be allowed for burial secured as per the WHO and Ministry of Health guidelines. And, as per the wishes of the dead person or the family members, those who want to be cremated be allowed to do so.  Pansakula Irrespective of whether it is a burial or a cremation, the government should also allow the religious rituals to be conducted maintaining health guidelines.  The Buddhists should be allowed to have their pansakula and other rituals for their beloved departed.  Similarly, for all the other religions too. The unfounded and unscientific fear has to be kicked aside.  Lies will have to be replaced with the truth and science be embraced.  This should be the way of ensuring the rights of the living persons.  The way to protect and respect the dignity of the dead person, who cannot fight for his rights. To continue to deny this right to the people under the delusion of losing the heta nama lakshaya and the handful of monks is going to be costly.  As stated earlier, this voter base will gradually fizzle off as more and more people begin to see the truth.  A phenomenon that can be seen evolving with the availability of scientific evidence and the experts voicing their support for burial. It has been said that the more political authorities are seen as satisfying the criteria for procedural justice, the more they are perceived as trustworthy, legitimate, and entitled to lead.  The time is right for those in the government to urge the Executive President to take a firm executive decision and permit burial. Such a firm decision will earn the respect of the heta nama lakshaya which is in fact, the critical mass.   The average reasonable man among the heta nama lakshaya at his own level also evaluate rules, procedures and systems to see if they are fair and just.  They are all not fools.  “There is an abundance of evidence that political authorities and institutions are viewed as more legitimate when they exercise their authority through procedures that people experience as fair.” (Leventhal 1980). http://www.srilankaguardian.org/2021/01/sri-lanka-is-heta-nama-lakshaya-sixty.html?m=1
    • நாளை மறுநாள் பிரமாண்ட பேரணி... 2 லட்சம் டிராக்டர்கள் டெல்லிக்குள் நுழைகின்றன   மத்திய அரசு கொண்டு வந்த 3 வேளாண்மை சட்டங்களை வாபஸ்பெற வேண்டும் என்று வலியுறுத்தி டெல்லியில் விவசாயிகள் 2 மாத காலமாக முற்றுகை போராட்டத்தில் ஈடுபட்டுள்ளனர். போராட்டத்தை முடிவுக்கு கொண்டுவர மத்திய அரசு விவசாய பிரதிநிதிகளுடன் பலகட்ட பேச்சுவார்த்தைகளை நடத்தியது. இறுதியாக நேற்று முன்தினம் 11-வது கட்ட பேச்சுவார்த்தை நடைபெற்றது. அதிலும் எந்த உடன்பாடும் ஏற்படவில்லை. 3 வேளாண்மை சட்டங்களையும் 1½ஆண்டு நிறுத்தி வைக்க மத்திய அரசு முன்வந்தது. அதையும் விவசாயிகள் ஏற்க மறுத்துவிட்டனர். 3 சட்டங்களையும் வாபஸ் பெற்றே தீர வேண்டும் என்று விவசாயிகள் பிடிவாதமாக உள்ளனர். விவசாயிகள் போராட்டத்தை மேலும் தீவிரமாக்கும் வகையில் வருகிற 26ந்தேதி குடியரசு தினத்தன்று டெல்லியில் பிராமாண்ட டிராக்டர் பேரணி நடத்தப்போவதாக விவசாயிகள் ஏற்கனவே அறிவித்து இருந்தனர். டெல்லியில் குடியரசு தினத்தன்று மத்திய அரசு சார்பில் செங்கோட்டையில் விழா நடைபெறும். அதைத் தொடர்ந்து டெல்லி ராஜபாதையில் பிராமாண்ட அணிவகுப்பு நடைபெறும். இதற்கு போட்டியாக விவசாயிகள் டிராக்டர் பேரணியை நடத்த முடிவு செய்திருந்தனர். இதனால் குடியரசு தின விழாவுக்கு இடையூறு ஏற்படும், சட்டம்-ஒழுங்கு பிரச்சினை ஏற்படும் என மத்திய அரசு தரப்பில் கூறப் பட்டது. இதனால் டிராக்டர் பேரணிக்கு தடை விதிக்க வேண்டும் என்று சுப்ரீம் கோர்ட்டில் வழக்கு தொடரப்பட்டது. ஆனால் சுப்ரீம் கோர்ட்டு இதில் தலையிட மறுத்துவிட்டது. டெல்லி போலீசாரே இது சம்பந்தமாக முடிவு செய்து கொள்ளலாம் என்று கோர்ட்டு கூறிவிட்டது. எனவே இது சம்பந்தமாக டெல்லி போலீசார் விவசாய சங்க பிரதிநிதிகளுடன் பேச்சுவார்த்தை நடத்தினார்கள். டெல்லிக்கு வெளியே பேரணியை நடத்திக்கொள்ளுங்கள் டெல்லி நகருக்குள் அனுமதிக்க முடியாது என்று போலீசார் கூறினார்கள். ஆனால் விவசாயிகள் டெல்லி நகருக்குள்தான் பேரணியை நடத்துவோம் என்று பிடிவாதமாக கூறினார்கள். முதலில் அரசு குடியரசு தின பேரணி நடைபெறும் ராஜபாதையிலேயே டிராக்டர் பேரணியை நடத்த திட்டமிட்டு இருந்தனர். பின்னர் அதை டெல்லி ரிங்ரோடு பகுதிக்கு மாற்றுவதாக விவசாயிகள் அறிவித்தனர். ஆனாலும் டெல்லி நகருக்குள் பேரணி நடத்த அனுமதிக்க முடியாது என்று போலீசார் கூறிவந்தனர். விவசாயிகள் டெல்லி நகரை தவிர வேறு எங்கும் பேரணி நடத்த முடியாது என்று உறுதியாக கூறி விட்டனர். விவசாயிகள் சங்க பிரதிநிதிகளுடன் நேற்று டெல்லி போலீசார் 5-வது கட்டமாக பேச்சுவார்த்தை நடத்தினார்கள். இறுதியில் விவசாயிகள் டெல்லியில் பேரணி நடத்துவதற்கு அனுமதி கொடுத்தனர். எந்த வழியாக பேரணி செல்ல வேண்டும் என்பது தொடர்பாக இன்று போலீசார் ஆலோசனை நடத்துகிறார்கள். அதன்பிறகு பேரணி வழிகள் பற்றி தெரிவிக்கப்படும் என்று போலீஸ் தரப்பில் கூறப்பட்டது. போலீஸ் அனுமதியை அடுத்து சிங்கு எல்லையில் விவசாயிகள் சங்கத்தினர் மீண்டும் கூடி ஆலோசனை நடத்தினார்கள். அப்போது எவ்வளவு தூரத்துக்கு பேரணி நடத்துவது, எந்த வழியாக பேரணி செல்வது என்று முடிவு செய்தனர். அதன்படி தற்போது விவசாயிகள் முகாமிட்டு இருக்கும் காசிப்பூர், சிங்கு, திக்ரி 3 எல்லைகள் வழியாக டெல்லிக்குள் நுழைவது. அதன்பிறகு 5 முனைகளில் இருந்தும் பேரணியை தொடங்குவது என்று முடிவு செய்தனர். சிங்கு, திக்ரி, காசிப்பூர், பல்வால், ஷாஜகான்பூர் ஆகிய 5 முனைகளில் இருந்தும் டிராக்டர்கள் டெல்லி நகருக்குள் செல்லும். மொத்தம் 100 கிலோ மீட்டர் தூரத்துக்கு ரோடு ஷோ நடைபெறும் என்று விவசாயிகள் சங்க தலைவர் யோகேந்திர யாதவ் கூறினார். மேலும் விவசாயிகள் சங்க தலைவர்கள் கூறிய தாவது:- இந்த பேரணியில் 2 லட்சம் டிராக்டர்கள் பங்கேற்கும். முதலில் இருந்ததைவிட இப்போது விவசாயிகள் எழுச்சியாக போராட்டத்தில் கலந்துகொண்டு வருகிறார்கள். குறிப்பாக இளைஞர்கள் மிக ஆர்வமாக உள்ளனர். இதனால் போராட்டத்துக்கு வருபவர்கள் எண்ணிக்கை தொடர்ந்து அதிகரித்து வருகிறது. நாங்கள் எதிர்பார்த்ததைவிட போராட்டத்துக்கு வரும் டிராக்டர்களின் எண்ணிக்கையும் அதிகரித்து வருகிறது. டிராக்டர் பேரணி எவ்வளவு நேரம் நடக்கும் என்பதை சொல்ல முடியாது. 24 மணிநேரத்தில் இருந்து 72 மணிநேரம் வரை பேரணி நீடிக்க வாய்ப்பு உள்ளது. பேரணியை ஒழுங்குபடுத்தவும், தேவையான உதவிகளை செய்யவும் 2,500 தன்னார்வலர்கள் பணியாற்ற உள்ளனர். பேரணியை வழிநடத்த கட்டுப்பாட்டு அறை ஒன்றும் அமைக்கப்படுகிறது. டிராக்டர் பேரணி மிக அமைதியான முறையில் நடைபெறும். எந்த வன்முறைக்கும், தவறுகளுக்கும் இடம் இருக்காது. டிராக்டர்களில் விவசாயிகள் சங்க கொடி மற்றும் தேசிய கொடி கட்டப்பட்டு இருக்கும். வேறு கொடிகளுக்கு அனுமதி இல்லை. பேரணியில் பங்கேற்போர் விவசாயிகள் வாழ்க, விவசாயிகள் இல்லை என்றால் உணவு இல்லை, 3 சட்டங்களை ரத்து செய், ஆகிய கோ‌ஷங்களை மட்டுமே எழுப்ப வேண்டும். போராட்டத்தில் பெண்களும் பெருமளவு பங்கேற்பார்கள். பேரணி முடிந்ததும் அனைத்து டிராக்டர்களும் எல்லை பகுதிக்கு திரும்பி விடும். டெல்லி நகருக்குள் யாரும் இருக்க மாட்டோம். பழைய முகாம்களுக்கே வந்து விடுவோம். இவ்வாறு அவர்கள் கூறினார்கள். https://www.maalaimalar.com/news/topnews/2021/01/24141603/2288532/Tamil-News-Farmers-Protest-2-Lakh-farmers-likely-to.vpf  
    • Rahul Gandhi tongue-ties his translator in Tamil Nadu roadshow with convoluted attack Congress leader Rahul Gandhi left everyone, including his own translator, baffled with his speech as he tried to attack PM Modi-led Centre during a road show Written by Koushik Narayanan       Congress leader Rahul Gandhi left everyone, including his own translator, baffled with his speech as he attempted to attack the PM Modi-led Centre during his speech at a campaign in Coimbatore on Saturday. The Congress leader is on a three-day visit to the poll-bound state of Tamil Nadu and undertook a roadshow in Coimbatore where he claimed that he had a 'blood relationship with Tamil Nadu and not a 'political' one. While taking a dig at the Centre and attempting to woo Tamil voters during his speech, Rahul Gandhi left his translator lost for words as he attempted to process the Congress leader's bizarre statement.  Breaking READ Advertisement   READ | Rahul Gandhi Assures Revisiting GST When Cong Is Voted To Power At Centre Speaking at a roadshow in Coimbatore, Rahul Gandhi said, "If we say Tamil Nadu is India, then we have to say India is Tamil Nadu. It cannot be that we say that Tamil Nadu is India, but India is not Tamil Nadu". However, soon after Rahul Gandhi said the latter half of the statement, his translator bore a puzzled look and he helplessly looked at Rahul Gandhi to receive some clarification. "It cannot be like Modi ji says that Tamil Nadu is a part of India but India is not Tamil Nadu", Rahul Gandhi clarified.    https://m.republicworld.com/india-news/politics/rahul-gandhi-tongue-ties-his-translator-in-tamil-nadu-roadshow-with-convoluted-attack.html
    • The homeless drug addict who became a professor 11 hours ago By Sarah McDermott BBC World Service Jesse Thistle, wearing a beaded thistle around his neck Jesse Thistle spent more than a decade on the streets and in jail. But despite this he has managed to become an expert on the culture of his Indigenous Canadian ancestors - with the help of his mother, from whom he was separated as a young child. Sometimes, at night, feeling humiliated after a day of begging, Jesse Thistle would walk up to the fountain on Ottawa's Parliament Hill. Sitting on the edge of the monument, he would plunge his hands into the cold water, to fish out the coins visitors had thrown in for luck. The policemen on duty always saw Jesse coming. They'd watch as he shovelled handfuls of wet change into his pockets, then chase him away. Jesse was 32 and had recently relapsed from rehab, but he'd been living on the streets, on and off, ever since his grandparents kicked him out when he was 19. "My grandfather was a disciplinarian - old school - he believed in work, really hard work, and he would hit us if we did bad stuff," Jesse says. "He would say, 'If I ever catch you doing drugs, I will disown you, it's that simple,' and he meant what he said." So the day that Jesse's grandmother saw a bag of cocaine fall out of Jesse's pocket, he was told to pack his things and leave. "It was like my world had ended," he says. "I could see on their faces that I'd broken their hearts." Jesse's life had been chaotic from the start. His father, Sonny, had got into trouble with the law in Toronto and had run away to northern Saskatchewan, where he met a teenager from the Métis-Cree Indigenous group.  Blanche Morrissette aged 14 in 1972, the year before she met Sonny Her name was Blanche and she gave birth to three sons one after the other, Josh first, Jerry, and then Jesse.  Sonny drank and used heroin, and was often violent, so eventually Blanche ran away, taking the boys with her.  For a while they lived in Moose Jaw, sleeping on proper beds rather than piles of laundry and eating three meals a day. Then Sonny turned up again and told Blanche he had an apartment and a job in Toronto. Blanche was studying as well as working, and he persuaded her to let him take the boys for a few months, to give her a break.   Blanche and her three sons pictured in 1980 - "before our family fell apart," Jesse says But there was no new job, and Sonny hadn't overcome his addictions. He'd disappear for days at a time, leaving the boys - all aged under six - alone in the apartment. There was little food when Sonny was there and none when he wasn't. He taught the boys how to beg, how to shoplift, and how to roll him cigarettes by harvesting tobacco from butts picked up off the streets.   Sonny with his three sons, Christmas, 1979 It was a few months before a neighbour alerted Child Services, and police came and took the boys away. Jesse was by now aged four, and he and his brothers would never see their father again.  After a period in an orphanage and a foster home, they were sent to live with Sonny's parents. "I assume Child Services never called my mom because back then Indigenous women were thought of as unclean, unfit and derelict of their positions as mothers," Jesse says. "When Indigenous kids came across Child Services' desks, their natural inclination was to put them in white homes because white people were seen as prosperous and responsible. It was called the Sixties Scoop - thousands and thousands of Indigenous kids were taken that way - it was endemic."    The Sixties Scoop   Despite its name, the Sixties Scoop started in the late 1950s and persisted for more than 20 years About 20,000 Indigenous Canadian children were removed from their homes by child welfare agencies and placed with non-Indigenous families These children lost their names, their languages, and their cultural identity Jesse's grandparents barred Blanche from coming to see her children for a few years, and Jesse grew up with little knowledge of his Métis-Cree heritage. "We knew we were 'Indian' and my brother remembers living in a tipi one summer in Saskatchewan," Jesse says, "but he went around and told all the kids that, and I gotta tell you, there's no faster way to get beat up in grade school in Canada than looking native and telling white kids that you lived in a tipi."    Jerry, Jesse and Josh in Cape Breton, 1980 Other families in the neighbourhood were reluctant to let their children play with the brothers, and at some stage Jesse decided that it would make his life easier if he pretended to be Italian. "I was denying who I was," he says. "I started to hate my heritage, hate myself and hate her [my mom] because she wasn't around. I felt like she had ditched us."  At school Jesse was always fighting, was held back because of his poor grades, and never learned how to read or do maths properly. Then he joined a gang in high school and really started getting into trouble. "We were drinking, partying, going to raves and using drugs, and that soon became my identity," Jesse says. "I would lose myself on MDMA, ketamine and crystal meth for three, four and five days in a row." And then his grandparents kicked him out.   Jesse, aged 19, just before things started going downhill Jesse hitched a lift with a friend across the country from Toronto to Vancouver, where his brother Josh, now a policeman, let him stay. He'd borrow Josh's police badge to avoid paying on public transport, and use it to pick up girls - "Girls love the police" - or to blag free food in restaurants. But the day Josh returned from work to find his younger brother using drugs in the house, Jesse had to leave, and this time he had nowhere else to go. At the age of 20, he was homeless. Jesse Thistle spoke to Outlook on the BBC World Service Download the podcast for more extraordinary stories  Jesse slept for four months in a car parked by the Fraser River just outside Vancouver, surrounded by other homeless people - the majority of them also Indigenous. "It was horrible. It broke my heart to see all these Indigenous people with addiction issues there - and nobody cared," he says. He sold everything he owned apart from the clothes he stood up in, but still he was starving. After hitching back to Toronto, he drifted from sofa to bus shelter to refuge, begging to get enough money together to buy drugs and go to raves. And when a friend introduced him to crack, he was hooked from the first lungful. It was New Year's Eve, 1999. Jesse, by now 23, had been out partying all night. The following day he went over to a friend's house. There were some people there he vaguely knew, who asked if he wanted to share a joint and if he could help them find a lift to travel out west. They said they'd buy him a pizza if he could order one for them and they'd give him a new jersey in return for his efforts. Thinking this was the easiest work he'd ever had, Jesse, wearing his new jersey, then returned to his Uncle Ron's place - where he'd been crashing since all of his belongings were stolen from the last hostel. Jesse and Ron sat down to watch a movie, but when a breaking news alert flashed across the screen announcing that a cab driver had been murdered in the neighbourhood the previous night and describing the two suspects, both in their late teens or early 20s, Jesse felt sick. "They had given me the clothes that they'd done it in. They were trying to frame me for this murder that they had committed," he says. "And so I was left with a choice - keep my mouth shut - that's the code of the streets, you don't tell on people - or stand up for justice and do the right thing." Jesse considered taking off - "running away was my way of dealing with life" - but instead went to the police. The two men who had tried to frame him were later jailed for murder.  But word got out that Jesse was an informer. "And I became a dead man walking," he says. Old friends wanted nothing to do with him, people would lure him places so that they could ambush him, someone tried to knife him in an alley, and he was beaten so badly with a baseball bat he could barely walk. "I was always on the run, always fearful for my life, always on high alert," he says. "They call it hyper-vigilance - I just had to survive and bounce from place to place." In despair, Jesse stole a large quantity of painkillers from a pharmacy and swallowed them all before he could think twice about it. This led to a spell in hospital, but no change in his behaviour.   A few of Jesse's police mug shots One evening after becoming locked out of his brother Jerry's apartment in Toronto, Jesse fell three-and-a-half storeys to the ground while trying to break in. He survived and landed on his feet, but his right heel was shattered, his right ankle joint destroyed and both his wrists broken. Doctors couldn't believe that Jesse hadn't been killed. But his real problems began after he was discharged from hospital, when infection set in. Jesse was smoking crack to dull the pain in his leg, but when his toes started turning black and his toenails began falling off he realised he needed help. "My leg had rotten flesh, it was starting to go necrotic and it was gangrenous," he says. He vaguely remembers doctors telling him that his leg may have to be amputated, and that if the infection spread to his heart or brain it could kill him. In panic, Jesse fled. "I wanted to hide from the world and from my addictions, from all the mistakes and all the people that I'd hurt along the way. I just wanted to rot away and die," he says. "I thought, 'Why don't I do a crime and go to jail? I'll be safe in there, have a place to rest, access to food and medication.'"  So he held up a convenience store and helped himself to the takings - but instead of waiting to be arrested, as he'd planned, he jumped into a large rubbish bin at the back of the shop and hid. "I was in the garbage bin, thinking, 'I can't even rob a store properly,'" Jesse says.  He later discovered he'd taken less than $40 (Canadian dollars), and after a few weeks of drug-aggravated paranoia - imagining that he was about to be arrested at any minute - he turned himself in. "I did it," he told the police, "I'm the guy who robbed the store. Now lock me up and throw away the key."  Prison was an unlikely turning point for Jesse. He received the medical help he so urgently needed for his leg, which quickly began to improve. But there was no support to come off the drugs and alcohol he'd been addicted to since he was a teenager, and he went through a "horrible, horrible" withdrawal, involving agonising seizures in solitary confinement.  Surprisingly, the experience spurred him to resume his education. "To fight the cravings from crack I started re-teaching myself how to read and write properly," he says. After his release from prison, Jesse went into rehab to continue this work, while also dealing with his addictions. "I'd stay up late every night looking over encyclopaedias and my grades started topping the charts. I took etiquette courses to re-teach me how to eat at a table and take care of my hygiene - all the things that I'd forgotten because I'd been drifting around so long. I felt good about myself for the first time in many, many years." It wasn't plain sailing. He relapsed at one point, returning to the streets to beg - and take money from the Parliament Hill fountain - only managing to get back on track after he was sentenced to a one-year stint back at the same rehabilitation centre. While there he received a strange email - a woman was looking for him, it said, and there was a number to call. It turned out to be his mother, whom he'd seen on only a handful of occasions since she'd let Jesse and his brothers go with their father to Toronto as small children. Shaking and through tears, Jesse called Blanche but was so overwhelmed that he had to hang up several times while they were talking. "I was just terrified of being rejected and terrified of love," he says. "But it was a beautiful conversation - it was like a rain quenching the prairies after a long drought, that's what it felt like."  Then more unexpected family news came, a message from his grandmother - the first contact he'd had with her since being banished from his grandparents' home years previously. She was dying, she said, and asked Jesse to visit her. "She gave me a tongue-lashing," Jesse says. "She was like, 'I'm really disappointed in you. I want you to make me a promise - follow through with this education, go to university, and go as far as you can.'" Jesse swore that he'd do as his grandmother asked. He urged her to get better and they hugged before Jesse returned to rehab. Two weeks later she died. The day after his grandmother's death, Jesse received a message of condolence from an old school friend of one of his brothers. "I think I fell in love with Lucie at that moment just because she was kind," Jesse says. "I light up thinking about it even now." Jesse and Lucie started talking often, sometimes for hours at a time on the phone, and they'd Skype one another regularly.   A picture Lucie sent Jesse while he was in rehab "I had this wall of about 100 different shampoos, soaps and body cleansers that I'd put behind me to show her that I was clean and that I could take care of myself," he says. "I was really insecure because of the life that I had lived and I wanted to impress her." When Jesse finally left rehab in 2009 Lucie gave Jesse a place to stay and eventually they became a couple.  "I thought I'd won the lottery - I was just a street guy, I don't know what she saw in me," Jesse says, "but when someone loves and trusts you that way, you just want to give it your all."   Jesse and Lucie's wedding day, 2012 Lucie helped Jesse find a restaurant job, cutting French fries - "I made sure I was the best damn fry cutter in the whole city," he says - and within two-and-a-half years they had married. Jesse started a history degree at Toronto's York University that same year, aged 35. "It was terrifying. I'd brought a pen and a pad of paper to take notes, and I looked around me in the lecture hall and all these kids had laptops and smartphones," he says. "I remember being the old man among all these young kids that were way, way smarter than me. I sat at the front and nobody wanted to talk to me." In his second year, Jesse was set an assignment to research his family history and reached out to one of his aunts in Saskatchewan who'd been doing a lot of research. "She sent me her link to ancestry.com, and I saw that I came from a long line of chiefs, political leaders and resistance fighters, and that filled me with such pride that it fired me up to want to know more and more," he says. "I knew that the key back to myself was through this assignment - I poured my heart into it." Jesse wrote about his Métis ancestors and what had happened at the Battle of Batoche during the North-West Rebellion of 1885 - a violent, five-month insurgency his ancestors fought against the Canadian government, because they believed that their rights, their land, and their survival as a distinct people were under threat. Jesse's assignment was passed to a professor, an expert in Indigenous history, who immediately hired him as her research assistant. Jesse was flown back to Saskatchewan to reconnect with his mother and aunts in 2013. Now aged 37, this was only the fourth time he'd seen his mother since he'd been taken into care at just three-and-a-half or four years old. "It was like a beautiful homecoming," he says.  Dr Carolyn Podruchny Blanche and Jesse pictured in 2013 in Fish Creek, Saskatchewan - the site of one of the famous battles of the 1885 North-West Rebellion At the road allowance where his Métis family had settled 150 years earlier, first in tents and later in log cabins, Jesse fell to his knees. "All those memories came rushing back of who I was and who our people were, and it just filled me up in every good way."   The road allowance in Park Valley, Saskatchewan, where Jesse's maternal grandparents lived, pictured in the early 1950s Soon Jesse's research was winning awards. He graduated as the top student in his faculty and since then has picked up two competitive doctoral scholarships, has almost finished writing up his PhD, and now teaches Indigenous history as an assistant professor at York University. "I get a lot of Indigenous youth coming into my classroom looking for a connection back to their ancestry," he says. "I help them understand who their ancestors were and why their families have ended up where they are. It's a beautiful thing to watch people get to know their history."  And Jesse now hires his mother, Blanche - whose father was a trapper "who hunted and picked berries and fished" - as his own research assistant. "She's an insider and she knows the community, who the elders are and the stories that I need to hear," Jesse says. "I don't think I'd have that access without her. It's great because we can work through our broken relationship as son and mother - it's not always easy, but it's beautiful. We're just joyous to be in each other's company and I say that our research methodology is based on love."   Opposite Parliament Hill, Ottawa in 2013 - Jesse and Lucie came here on their first date and return every year, "to remember how far we've come" Although Jesse isn't religious, he believes his grandmother somehow brought Lucie to him, as a lifeline, to help him start again.  He often thinks about the men who tried to frame him for the murder and worries about acts of retribution. Deep down he's sorry about what happened, he says, and that he was put in a position where he had to protect himself. But he's lived a good life and if they come for him now, "it is what it is."  He still struggles with the legacy of his addictions.  "I still fantasise about using crack cocaine, it never goes away. I just have to learn to manage it," he says. "I use a trick. I'll say, 'Yeah, I want a nice, big rock today, but you know what? I'll use tomorrow.' And then when tomorrow comes I'll say that again. I can handle this tomorrow-never-comes scenario - I've been doing it for 12 years - but infinity without the drug is too much to handle." Meanwhile, the pain in his right foot, more than a decade after his fall, reminds him every day that he's lucky to be alive. He now has a partner and a job, has restored his relationship with his mother and reconnected with his roots. But there is still one important thing missing.   Cyril "Sonny" Thistle, pictured in 1981 For as long as he can remember, Jesse has always hoped that his father, Sonny Thistle, would come back into his life. But a chance meeting some years ago with an elderly man threw that into doubt. "You could tell this random dude was a street person or from prison, and he's like, 'Nobody told you, son? Whatever trouble your dad was running from, whatever people, they got him - they killed him in 1982.'" Jesse took the news to the police and officially reported his father missing. "There are some hospital records of him in 1982, there's his police contact file, and details of where he was incarcerated, and that's it," Jesse says. "He just evaporates into thin air - he vanishes." Jesse knew that his father was dealing drugs and would rip people off before fleeing to the next town. "And if you do that to someone involved in organised crime, then they make examples of people - that's what they do, that's part of the business," he says. But while it was devastating to learn that his dad might be dead, it was comforting to think that there was a reason why he had never been in touch. "What better excuse is there for a father not coming home than he's dead?" says Jesse. He hasn't given up all hope, though, that his father might still be alive. "There's a possibility that someone somewhere knows something, so we're still looking for him," he says. "Part of me doesn't want to accept that he's gone." Images courtesy of Jesse Thistle, unless otherwise stated Jesse Thistle is the author of a memoir titled From the Ashes https://www.bbc.com/news/stories-55559382
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