துணைப்படை அரசியல்

Paramilitary Politics

November 15, 2008

On the simmering strife in the TVMP

ON 14 NOVEMBER, Kumaraswami Nandagoban, alias Ragu, a chief architect of the Eastern Provincial Council administration, was shot dead inside a car on the outskirts of Sri Lanka’s capital Colombo. The killing confirmed, ’till now whispered, bad-blood between the paramilitary-cum-politicians of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP). Here, we trace the origins of the internal conflict and explore possible routes the strife may take in the coming weeks and months.

The “Karuna Group”

To most people’s understanding, TMVP is a the registered name of what was known as the “Karuna Group” during the middle of 2004. They are, according to the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), 6, 000 cadres of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) who were under the command of Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, alias Karuna, when he was “Special Commander” of the Batti-Amparai district. These numbers and Mr Muralitharan’s position in the LTTE need close analysis.

In 2004, Mr Muralitharan was a representative in the LTTE’s negotiating team. Previously, he was in charge of the land forces (in conventional terms: the army) in Batti-Amparai district. Then, as now, each one of the LTTE’s “wing’s” had an overall “Head” who appointed district level commanders. The 6, 000 cadres in Batti-Amparai included members of the Intelligence, Political, Police, Female, Finance, Medical and Sea Tigers, amongst other, “wings”, which had never reported to Mr Muralitharan.

On Good Friday 2004, LTTE took “measures” to remove Mr Muralitharan from Tamileelam. Operations were led by Col. Ramesh, then “Special Commander” of Batti-Amparai district. By mid April Mr Muralitharan had fled to Colombo; he was joined by around 20 accomplices. Most significant LTTE members who sided with Mr Muralitharan were four village level land forces commanders: Jim Kelly Thatha, Rabert, Reggie and Vishu. All four were “neutralised” within weeks.

Later that year, Mr Muralitharan, and what remained of his accomplices, were shifted to military occupied areas of Batticaloa. They were placed in camps that once belonged to the paramilitary Razeek Group. From there, the “Karuna Group” began a recruitment drive; sometimes, running into trouble with Amnesty International and UNICEF. In all, through both voluntary and forced conscription, Mr Muralitharan had built up his group’s strength to around 200 cadres.

The “Pillaiyan Group”

From July 2006 to August 2007 the Sri Lankan military led offensives against the LTTE in the eastern districts of Trincomalee, Amparai and Batticaloa. Mr Muralitharan was utilised in the capacity of “consultant” while some of the cadres he had amassed were deployed in semi-conventional attacks. When the LTTE withdrew from the region, Sri Lanka initiated a campaign to “de-claw” the “Karuna Group”. As a priority, Mr Muralitharan was dispatch to London, United Kingdom.

Pillaiyan, a junior level cadre, was hand-picked as an easy to mould moppet to head the group. Subsequently, the “Karuna Group” reshaped itself into the “Pillaiyan Group”. On 02 November 2007, Mr Muralitharan was arrested by the Metropolitan Police in London. He spent the following nine months in a British prison before being deported to Sri Lanka in mid-2008. By that time, the government of Sri Lanka had held “elections” in the Eastern province and appointed Pillaiyan as “Chief Minister”.

The TMVP, Dr Vigneshwaran and Mr Nandagoban

In late 2007 the “Pillaiyan Group” had to register itself as a political party in order to contest the provincial council elections. Pillaiyan was also in need of deputies. Mr Pradeep and Mr Moulana were drafted in from the defunct Razeek Group to act as “Political Head” and “Spokesperson”, respectively. Dr Vigneshwaran, previously of the EPDP paramilitary, and Mr Nandagoban joined as “Special Adviser” and “Party President”. Thus, all former LTTE cadres were sidelined from the group.

Dr Vigneshwaran was private secretary to Chief Minister Mr Varatharajaperumal in the EPRLF led North-East Provincial Council during the late ’80s. Trincomalee born Mr Nandagoban was a junior officer in the same council. When that administration collapsed, Dr Vigneshwaran fled to Malaysia while Mr Nandagoban sought political asylum in Australia. In the following fifteen years, Mr Nandagoban naturalised as an Australian, qualified as an engineer, got married and fathered three children.

Dr Vigneshwaran returned to Colombo in 1996 on the request of EPDP group leader Douglas Devananda. He served the group in several capacities, including Member of Parliament (MP), only to depart a decade later, citing “personal differences” with Mr Devananda. In 2007 he was drafted into the TMVP. It was Dr Vigneshwaran who influenced Mr Nandagoban, who was well versed in Tamil, Sinhala and English, to return to Sri Lanka and, once again, take up paramilitary politics.

Return of the Renegade

On 02 July 2008, Mr Muralitharan was deported by British authorities. Soon after arriving in Colombo, and briefing Sri Lankan government authorities, Mr Muralitharan proceeded to Batticaloa, where he met with four of his trusted lieutenants: Markan, Mangalam, Jeyam and Iniyabarathy. The four were the only former LTTE cadres remaining in the TMVP; they were disgruntled about being sidelined and at the apparent rise Pillaiyan to “Chief Minister” status.

Mr Muralitharan was reportedly embarrassed by the pageantry awarded to Pillaiyan; during his visit to Batticaloa, he had to speak in front of hanging portraits of Pillaiyan at all TMVP offices. He soon returned to Colombo and demanded explanations from the Sri Lankan government. Subsequently, in October, Mr Muralitharan was appointed as an MP of the ruling party. Even then, he remained as second-fiddle to 108 other Ministers of the government, including arch-rival Douglas Devananda.

Later that month, Mr Muralitharan began a systematic campaign to undermine Pillaiyan and his administration in the Eastern province. Once again, utilising the BBC, Mr Muralitharan made public statements claiming that the province did not need policing or land administration powers, and that TMVP cadres ought to be engulfed by the Sri Lankan military. Meanwhile, his deputies in Batticaloa made a failed bid to take control of the TMVP published Tamil Alai weekly newspaper.

Fate Sealed

On 23 October, Mr Nandagoban made a scathing attack on Mr Muralitharan in an interview given to the BBC Tamil service. He had said that the “TMVP is for the full devolution of powers, including police powers, to the regions, contrary to views expressed by Karuna.” He described Mr Muralitharan’s statement as “shocking” and stressed: “I am the president of the political unit and the TMVP.” He concluded: “Credit for developing the party goes to the present Chief Minister (Pillaiyan).”

Two days later, Mr Kumarathurai, a Denmark based supporter of Mr Muralitharan issued a “fatwa” demanding Mr Nandagoban to quit the TMVP or face “consequences”. The website on which the “death” threat was issued has since gone off-line, but a cached version has been retained by us. Threats are said to have been followed in direct phone calls. By November, Mr Nandagoban had decided to return to Australia and had travelled to Colombo to make arrangements for his departure.

Shot Dead

On the morning of 14 November, Mr Nandagoban was shot dead in Athurugiriya, on the outskirts of Colombo. At the time, he was being driven from a hotel in the town to the home of TMVP “spokesperson” Mr Moulana. According to police reports, gunmen had stopped the car in the middle of a busy road and shot dead both the driver and passenger before escaping. As usual, the Sri Lankan police blamed the LTTE for the killings and promised an “investigation”.

After visiting the scene, speaking to the BBC, Pillaiyan said: “It looks like a well planned operation. But I am not able to put blame on a specific person.” It is widely believed that Mr Muralitharan’s loyalists were responsible for the killing. However, a futile attempt was made by Mr Muralitharan to shift the blame on to Mr Moulana, claiming that the killing took place inside the latter’s car. Sri Lankan government’s involvement can not be discounted as no one has been apprehended over the incident.

More to Come?

The government of Sri Lanka is of the believe that killing Mr Muralitharan would act as a deterrent against any LTTE cadres potentially defecting in the future. However, the government is also visibly displeased by his attempts at wrecking the Eastern Provincial Council, which is the government’s showpiece for “limited devolution of power” as the basis for resolution to the ethnic conflict. Given recent military successes against the LTTE, the government may deem necessary to “remove” Mr Muralitharan.

In the meantime, Pillaiyan and his loyalists are likely to demand a scalp from Mr Muralitharan’s loyalists. Mangalam is reportedly making preparations to flee to an European country; Jeyam is laying low. Markan, in Trincomalee, and Iniyabarathy, in Amparai, are likely to be Pillaiyan’s main targets. If one of them is to be hunted, Dr Vigneshwaran, who has already had his security slashed, may be the next high profile head to roll in the ongoing saga of paramilitary politics.

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