Tamil National Alliance enters critical third phase-1

Tamil National Alliance enters critical third phase-1

March 26th, 2010

by D.B.S. Jeyaraj

The single –largest Sri Lankan Tamil political group in the dissolved Parliament was the conglomerate known as the Tamil National Alliance (TNA). The TNA which contested the April 2004 general elections under the “Veedu”(House) symbol of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) obtained twenty-two seats including two nominated under the national list.

The TNA led by Rajavarothayam Sambandan the veteran politician from Trincomalee is once again contesting the 2010 Parliamentary elections under the House symbol of the ITAK. It has fielded candidates in the Northern and Eastern electoral districts of Jaffna,Wanni, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Amparai (Digamadulla).

The TNA has refrained from contesting the Colombo district that has a substantial concentration of Sri Lankan Tamils. This is mainly due to an unwritten understanding with Mano Ganesan of the Democratic Peoples Front(DPF)to prevent fragmentation of opposition Tamil votes in “Kozhumbu” (Colombo).

There is also a school of thought within the TNA that feels the alliance should focus mainly on the traditional Tamil homeland in North and East.

The Parliamentary polls in 2010 are of crucial importance for the Sri Lankan Tamil polity. For over twenty-five years Tamil electoral politics took a backseat while the armed struggle espoused by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam(LTTE)called the shots both metaphorically and literally.Now the tigers who claimed to be the sole representatives of the Tamil have been virtually decimated in the Island.

The tigers may have gone but the ill- effects of tigerism linger. Velupillai Prabhakaran along with his followers, minions, sycophants and fellow-travelers has wrought great and possibly irreparable harm on the long –suffering Tamil people. The Tamils are a battered and shattered people without even a glimpse of a glimmer at the end of a deep,dark tunnel.

Against such a backdrop it is of paramount importance that a pragmatic and viable political force representing the Sri Lankan Tamils should emerge.This is the need of the hour!

Tamil Voice

Redressing Tamil grievances and achieving legitimate Tamil aspirations within a united but not necessarily a unitary Sri Lanka remain unfulfilled tasks still. The Sri Lankan Tamils require a credible “voice” to articulate their grievances and aspirations. Such a voice must be elected democratically and spurn separatism and violence. In that context the 2010 poll provides an appropriate opportunity for the election of a strong Tamil voice.

Given the fact that the TNA held 22 seats in the 2004 – 2010 Parliament it is but natural to assume that the alliance is the best bet out of available choices. Even if unable to replicate the 2004 result en toto the TNA seems capable of winning a fair number of seats at the present hustings too. It would however face stiff competition from a plethora of political parties and independent groups.

Apart from the Sinhala dominated “National” fronts like the United Peoples Freedom Alliance(UPFA), United National Front(UNF) and Democratic Peoples Alliance (DPA) there are also a number of ethnic and regional parties contesting in the North and East. Broadly these parties are either pro- State or anti-State in professed ideology. Some of these parties are either appendages of the government or apologists of the LTTE.

What the Sri Lankan Tamils require at this juncture is a representative political body that would be free of extreme positions. It must be able to act responsibly and co-operate with the government in restoring lost rights and remedying problems but not turn into acolytes of the ruling regime.

It must project the image of being advocates of a distinct Tamil identity without being perceived as pro-tiger or pro-Eelamist sympathisers or supporters. While mobilising mass support from the Tamil people itshould also be able to obtain endorsement and backing from the International community inclusive of India.

Track Record

In such a situation the TNA would seem the acceptable choice among those available.Things however are not so simple. The TNA track record leaves much to be desired. To its eternal shame the TNA functioned as a slave of the LTTE in the past. Mao Ze Dong spoke of the “running dogs of imperialism”. In similar fashion the TNA was the “running dog of tiger hegemonism”.

If the LTTE imposed itself as the sole representative of the Tamil people, Douglas Devananda of the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) portrays himself as the sole alternative. Douglas was fond of referring to the TNA derisively as “Tiger Nominated Agents” in the past. That label is not entirely devoid of merit.

The TNA members of Parliament from 2004-2010 consist of five categories. The 22 MP’s are from four political parties as well as non-party affiliation. The LTTE decided who should contest and where. The tigers played a big part in mobilising genuine support and vote rigging in 2004.

The TNA electoral triumph of 2004 lost its sheen when the E.U . released is report condemning the election as not being free or fair in the North and East. This does not mean that all those who won on the TNA did so due to fraudulent means. Several of those elected did so in their own right but their majorities were enhanced through dubious means. But there were some who won entirely due to vote rigging.

Had the TNA contested without any LTTE support or backing in 2004 it may have got about 12-14 seats. The tiger factor helped it to sweep the polls and get 22 seats. It was however a Faustian bargain. The TNA was seen and depicted as a voice of the tigers rather than the Tamils. They had zero credibility in the eyes of the world and rest of Sri Lanka.

When the TNA was formed there were some who thought the alliance would be to the LTTE what the “Sinn Fein” was to the Irish Republican Army (IRA). A few entertained hopes of the TNA playing a prominent role in the peace talks. This was not to be as the LTTE ruled a political role at peace talks for the TNA at the outset.

Furthermore the TNA took up the position that the LTTE should be the sole representatives of the Tamils at the talks and elsewhere. After abdicating its position the TNA disgraced itself further by functioning as members of Parliament and collecting all accompanying perks and privileges. In the words of Stanley Baldwin “power without responsibility has been the prerogative of the harlot throughout the ages” .

Political Servitude

The LTTE also reduced the TNA to political servitude and ensured that such bondage was well publicised. The TNA was summoned frequently to Kilinochchi where the tiger political commissar Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan would issue orders and instructions. At LTTE oriented functions some of these MP’s would wear LTTE badges and sing paeans of praise to Prabakharan and the tigers.

In Parliament the TNA was a pathetic lot. Apart from Sambandan few MP’s made any worthwhile contribution. Many of the TNA members acted abrasively and provocatively in the house. Notorious among them were MK Sivajilingam and Selvarajah Gajendran.

The cumulative effect of all this was an erosion of credibility and respect. When the TNA parliamentarians launched a “satyagraha” campaign within the House it was treated with supreme disdain. Neither the Government nor national opposition parties showed concern.

Likewise the TNA was looked upon with contempt and scorn by members of the diplomatic community. Though the “motions of meetings” were followed there was practically no meeting of minds. This was particularly so with India. Though TNA delegations made customary pilgrimages to New Delhi scant regard was paid.

The TNA was seen as a tiger adjunct and nothing more. People like Sambandan who complained bitterly in private about his pathetic plight was shown some pity. The end result of all this was that the TNA despite having 22 seats in a house of 225 was unable to accomplish anything worthwhile either in Sri Lanka or abroad.

Instead the TNA role seemed to be that of attending Parliament, drawing salaries and emoluments and giving regular interviews to the various media organizations run by pro-tiger sections of the global Tamil Diaspora. Some MP’s would stay on in the Wanni while others would be in Colombo, India or the West. The hapless North-Eastern people who nominally elected them were effectively short-changed.

What was lamentable in this situation was the TNA’s miserable failure in speaking out to the LTTE on behalf of the Tamil people. The TNA would criticise the government for its acts of omission and commission against the Tamil people but would not dare utter a word against the LTTE for suppressing the Tamils in the name of liberation.

From ruthless taxation to brutal conscription the tigers exploited and oppressed the Tamil people but the “elected” Tamil representatives remained deaf,dumb and blind.

The TNA remained passive spectators as the LTTE ruined the golden opportunity for a just, negotiated settlement through the peace process facilitated by Oslo. The TNA collaborated with the LTTE in enforcing a boycott of the 2005 presidential poll that brought Mahinda Rajapaksa to power. The TNA remained silent as the LTTE laid the groundwork for eruption of war through attacks by a “peoples force” and through acts like the Maavilaaru incident.

The worst however was when the war escalated and the LTTE began retreating with the people in tow. The TNA protested at the aerial bombardment and artillery shelling causing destruction of civilian life,limb and property but failed to ask the LTTE to let the civilians free to reach safe areas.

The TNA demanded international intervention to stop the war when the LTTE was beleaguered but did not even make a token appeal to the tigers to let go of civilians who wanted to move out from tiger controlled areas to save themselves and their families.There was also no condemnation of the LTTE for detaining, torturing, killing and injuring civilians attempting to escape the war zone.

Shameless Lackey

Under these circumstances the TNA was seen as a shameless lackey of the LTTE.It had little respect or clout nationally and internationally. In fact some countries like Canada denied visas to TNA parliamentarians for being supportive of the LTTE branded as terrorist by the International community.

Mortgaging their souls to the LTTE may have helped the TNA to gain Parliamentary office but it also proved dangerous after a certain point of time.

Joseph Pararajasingham was shot dead after receiving communion from Bishop Kingsley Swampillai on Christmas Eve at the Batticaloa Cathedral. Nadarajah Raviraj was gunned down in a Colombo road while travelling in his official vehicle. Sinnaia Sivanesan fell victim to a landmine placed in Mallavi by the Army’s Deep penetration squad. Ex-TNA Parliamentarian Chandranehru Ariyanayagam was assassinated along with the LTTE’s eastern political commissar Kusalyan in Welikande. Ex-TULF MP Sivamaharajah was shot dead in Jaffna.

With the threat to their lives increasing some MP’s from the TNA took refuge in the Wanni. Some stayed put in Colombo confining themselves to official residences. Some spent time abroad returning briefly to Colombo to mark attendance in Parliament. Some stayed indefinitely in foreign countries. A few of these MP’s participated in activities organized by the Tamil Diaspora.

And then came Parliamentary elections 2010!

“Soo!Manthirakkaali!! As if some wizard had waved the magic wand most of these MPS returned home. Some who had breathed fire and brimstone at the Rajapaksa regime made clandestine deals with the powers that be to guarantee their safety and security and return. Once again they were “ready, able and willing” to become MP’s and “serve” their people. A few however opted to fade out of politics.

Dismal History

Given this dismal history prospects for the TNA would indeed seem to be bleak and dreary. An unrepentant, unreformed TNA would not be a logical choice for the Tamil people. But then in democracy one does not get to elect the ideal or best choice. One can only elect the best of what is available. Very often the choice is not the better party or candidate who but the less worse or lesser of the evils.

The Tamil people who suffered under the LTTE have no illusions about the tigers. They themselves had to silently stomach several indignities and injustice at the hands of the tigers and realise what the TNA was up against. As such they would not be too harsh or uncompromisingly judgemental on some of the TNA leaders.

Not all those who got elected in 2004 were puppets propped up by the LTTE alone. Quite a few have established political credentials and are capable of mustering support on their own. As such the TNA does have the ability and acumen to winn a reasonable number of seats if the elections in the north and east are really free and truly fair (Now that is a very big “IF”)

Moreover the more politically enlightened Tamils realise that the community is in dire straits. Despite defeating the tigers militarily the Rajapaksa regime has proved woefully inadequate in addressing the legitimate political concerns of the Tamil people. There are many tragic consequences of the war like displacement, detention that have to be alleviated. It is imperative that the Tamils acquire an effective political leadership at this crucial juncture.

Therefore substantial sections of the Tamil people seem amenable to a “renewed” TNA becoming the premier but certainly not their sole representatives. While some individuals will not be forgiven the TNA as an entity seemed to have gained a reprieve.

Two recent developments suggest that the TNA is not a spent force confined to the dustbin of history. At least not yet!

One is the creditable showing by the party at the Jaffna Municipal and Vavuniya Urban council polls. The other is the impressive “Tamil” turn out for Sarath Fonseka in the recent presidential elections. It must be remembered that the TNA extended support to the General instead of the incumbent president.

These developments along with the positive feedback from sections of the international community seem to have infused the TNA hierarchy with fresh confidence and optimism.

Triple “S” Trio

The TNA is currently led by the triple “S” triumvirate comprising Sambandan, Senathirajah and Suresh (Premachandran.)

This trio has been acting boldly and constructively in trying to re-structure, re-configure and re-furbish the TNA. Some destructive debris of the sordid past have been jettisoned. Some refreshing new talent has been enlisted in the form of university academics, school principals, lawyers, doctors, social workers and other professionals. People who remained with the people have been given pride of place. At the same time several sitting MP’s have also been given nominations.

It appears that the TNA would like to gradually disown its pro-tiger past and re-invent itself as a fresh avatar. The new look TNA has to be remain steadfast to basic principles and policies while being pragmatically flexible. While garnering wide-spread support from the Tamil people it must also cleanse itself from the vestiges of tigerism and regain legitimate acceptability in the eyes of the Sri Lankan polity, India and the western nations.

The 2010 elections could provide the opening for this TNA transition and the party leadership seems to be gearing up for this by doing well at the hustings.

Unfortunately politics by itself is a vibrant dynamic that does not often progress according to plan in a linear direction. This is the nature of politics. Attempts by the triple “S” trio to re-invent the TNA has resulted in inevitable convulsions.

If the evaluating criterion is the role and positions taken by the “lame duck” Parliamentarians then the TNA has certainly fragmented. The monolithic unity of the TNA has shattered and how!

Several sitting MP’s are contesting again on behalf of the TNA but some MP’s are contesting under the betel symbol of the UPFA. Some MP’s are contesting under the cycle symbol of the All-Ceylon Tamil Congress. Some MP’s are contesting under the umbrella symbol of the left front. While some MP’s were denied nomination a few have voluntarily refrained from contesting again. A few of these are actively supporting the election campaign while others are opposing the current leadership. A few remain aloof and detached.

A simple explanation for the TNA disintegration would be the absence of the LTTE. It was the tiger whip (or gun) that brought together held the motley crew known as the TNA together. Now that the tigers are no more the fissiparous tendencies are rising. This explanation does possess a great deal of validity but the reasons for the current crisis are far more complex.

To understand the currents, countercurrents, undercurrents and crosscurrents within the TNA waters, a brief examination of its evolution and growth is necessary. Contrary to popular belief the TNA at the beginning was not a tiger creation. It was formed independently with cautious indirect backing by the LTTE. Thereafter the LTTE took it over and controlled it.

Oct 10th 2000 Elections

The origins of the Tamil National Alliance lie in the East. The factor that triggered it off was the October 10th 2000 Parliamentary election. The results in the North-East sent shock waves to the Tamils in general and some Tamil parties in particular.

No Tamil was elected in the politically sensitive Trincomalee district. In Batticaloa only two Tamils from the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) were elected. Another Tamil won from the ruling Peoples Alliance (PA)In Amparai district a Tamil Independent backed by the EPDP was elected.

The Wanni district with six seats saw Two Sinhala(from PA and UNP) and one Muslim MP being elected. Three Tamil MP’s from the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) and one from the Peoples Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) were elected.

Jaffna with nine seats saw the EPDP getting four including the bonus seat. The TULF got three. The Tamil Congress got one.The United National Party got one. The UNP won in Jaffna after 48 years. In 1952 Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan’s son in law Suppiapillai Nadesan had won. Now Thiyagarajah Maheswaran was returned.

No Tamil party got enough votes entitling it to a national list seat. 2000 saw the Tamils being under represented in the North-East. Moreover Sinhala dominated National parties and Tamil parties like the Govt affiliated EPDP had done well. One reason for the non-governmental Tamil political party debacle was disunity, fragmentation of Tamil votes and the lack of an imaginative or inspiring political agenda.

Eastern University

The seriousness of the situation was acutely felt in the ethnically heterogenous East rather than the near homogenous North. A seminar analysing the situation was held at the Eastern University. It was chaired by former “Daily Mirror” columnist Dharmalingam Sivaram alias Taraki. Several academics, journalists, teachers, professionals, social workers, undergraduates and political representatives participated.

It was resolved at this conference that the different Tamil political parties in the opposition should unite under an umbrella organization to prevent fragmentation of votes. It was also felt that such an organization should be broadly supportive of the LTTE. It was also decided that the LTTE’s approval for the move be obtained steering committee with three joint chairs was formed to coordinate the implementation of this task.

This consisted of three aspects. Firstly the approval and implicit support of the LTTE. This required guarantees of safety and security by the LTTE that it would not assassinate Tamil politicians in the opposition. In return these Tamil parties had to acknowledge the pre-eminence of the LTTE and endorse it as the sole representative of the Tamils in any negotiations.

Secondly the political parties with a militant history like the Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) PLOTE and TELO had to declare that they would lay down arms and not collaborate with the state in hunting the LTTE. They also had to sever links with para-military outfits linked to them like the Razeek group (EPRLF)Mohan group (PLOTE) and Ranjan group (TELO). All were in the East.

Thirdly the non-militant parties like the TULF and Tamil Congress had to agree to work together in a common front with the ex-militant groups. Both parties were reluctant as they felt the ex-militant groups hands were tainted with blood. Besides the TULF stood for an “unarmed democracy”. There was also the long ,embittered history of rivalry between the Tamil Congress and the FP-TULF.

The TULF was also wary because of its 1989 experience. Pressure by New Delhi had resulted in militant organizations like the Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF) TELO and EPRLF contesting under the aegis of the TULF sun symbol along with TULF candidates. However none of the original TULF candidates won. Only Appapillai Amirthalingam got in through the national list(he had lost in Batticaloa)

Negotiating Process

The LTTE in the Wanni was not directly involved in the negotiating process. But Karikalan the former tiger political commissar for Batticaloa-Amparai was supportive and directly involved. Even as the talks were on the LTTE assassinated “Robert” the TELO head of Aaraiyampathy pradeshiya Sabha (this Robert is different to the EPRLF “Robert” killed by the LTTE in Jaffna in 2002). The assassination was a major setback as the TELO wanted to pull out of unity talks as a result.

The committee however persisted in its efforts and appealed to the LTTE’s military leadership of the East. The eastern regional military commander then was none other than Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan alias “Col” Karuna. The LTTE “explained” the assassination as a “mistake” due to a communication gap between the intelligence division and political wing.

Subsequently leading personalities from the TELO and EPRLF met with Karikalan in secret and discussed matters. Assurances were obtained.Likewise some TULF personalities’s also met with LTTE leaders and had discussions.

There were two hitches. The PLOTE led by Dharmalingam Siddharthan was willing for unity but the PLOTE cadres in Vavuniya (Plote stronghold) were unwilling to align with the TELO (also strong in Vavuniya) Likewise the TELO hierarchy was also reluctant to unite with the PLOTE as it feared erosion of support in the Wanni. Finally the PLOTE or its political party the Democratic Peoples Liberation Front (DPLF) opted out.

The second was the long standing antipathy of the Tamil Congress towards the Federal Party (Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi) and its successor the TULF. The Tamil Congress wanted all parties to unite under the Tamil Congress symbol of cycle and contest instead of the TULF’s sun.

Dr. Yogalakshmi Ponnambalam was then the dominant personality in the Tamil Congress as her husband Kumar Ponnambalam had been killed on January 2000.After protracted discussions held at her residence she consented to unite and contest under the sun symbol.

Similarly some stalwarts in the TULF were also reluctant to unite with the Congress and other ex-militant groups but gradually they were won over or reduced to silence.

Parallel Courses

Even as these discussions continued two parallel courses of action were also on. One was the sudden phenomenon of leaflets and statements to the press by hitherto unheard of organizations like Sankiliyan padai, Kulakkottan padai and Pandara Vanniyan padai.

While “padai” means force the other references were to regional rulers like King Sankili of Jaffna, Kulallottan monarch of Trincomalee and chieftain Pandaravanniyan of Adankapatru. All these leaflets and statements urged Tamil unity and threatened those not cooperating with punitive action. They were given wide publicity in Tamil newspapers.

The other parallel course of action was the well-meaning efforts of some Colombo based prominent Tamils to bring about overall Tamil unity. These Tamils comprised leading businessmen, professionals and social workers. Some of them were involved in discussions with counterparts in Batticaloa striving for unity. The efforts of these “Colombo” based Tamils also played a major role in unity talks.

At the penultimate stages the LTTE in the Wanni got directly involved. Some leaders of the TULF, Tamil Congress, TELO and EPRLF were contacted by telephone and urged to unite and contest under the TULF “Sun” symbol. The LTTE factor galvanised the negotiating parties into concluding talks successfully

A working agreement among the TULF,ACTC, EPRLF and TELO was reached to form a coalition known as the “Thamizh Thesieeya Kootamaippu” or Tamil National Alliance . The TNA would contest under the TULF symbol. A scheme apportioning candidates to each party in the different electoral istricts was also agreed upon.

The formation of the Tamil National Alliance was announced through a press communiqué dated October 22nd 2001.The TNA was born!

(TO BE CONTINUED)

DBS Jeyaraj can be reached at djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com

http://dbsjeyaraj.com/dbsj/archives/1423

Tamil National Alliance enters critical third phase-2

April 2nd, 2010

By D.B.S Jeyaraj

The press communique issued on October 22nd 2001 heralding the formation of the Tamil National Alliance(TNA)was signed by four persons representing the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF)All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) and Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF).

They were R.Sambandan (TULF), N.Kumarakuruparan (ACTC) N. Srikantha (TELO) and K.Premachandran(EPRLF) The press statement had four salient points that more or less amounted to an “articles of association” for the Tamil National Alliance.

The first was about how places on candidate lists were to be allocated to each of the four parties in a Parliamentary General election. The arrangement was as follows:

Jaffna-TULF – 7;ACTC -3;TELO-1;EPRLF-1

Wanni-TULF-3;ACTC-1: TELO – 4: EPRLF-1

Batticaloa-TULF – 5:ACTC-1:TELO -2 ;EPRLF-1

Trincomalee-TULF-3:ACTC-1:TELO-2:EPRLF-0

Amparai-TULF -5:ACTC-1;TELO-1: EPRLF-0

The second point was about nominations as national list MP’s. The order of priority was TULF, ACTC, TELO and EPRLF. If the TNA was entitled to a national list MP in terms of votes received it would first go to the TULF nominee. If entitled to a second MP it would be for the ACTC nominee.

The third point was that the constituent parties should refrain from attacking or criticising each other publicly. Special care should be taken during the election campaign about not engaging in propaganda or counter-propaganda against a fellow TNA constituent.

The fourth point was about intra-TNA disputes and problems.If and when such issues occurred the TNA constituents should discuss the matter among themselves in a peaceful way and arrive at an amicable solution through a majority vote. If that was not possible the services of an outside facilitator panel should be enlisted to help resolve the issue.

The facilitator panel or “anusaranaialar kuzhu” comprised the following six members:

1.V.Kailasapillai

2.Kanthiah Neelakandan

3.V.R.Vadivetkarasan

4.Nimalan Karthikeyan

5. S.Thiyagarajah

6. K.Jeyabalasingham

The facilitators were respected members of the Tamil community primarily based in Colombo. They were mainly professionals or successful commercial entrepreneurs. With the exception of Thiyagarajah who was then the treasurer of the TULF they did not belong to any political party.

Baptism of Fire

It is under such circumstances that the TNA was born as a loose formation without a party constitution or structure. The newly formed alliance had its baptism of fire when Parliamentary elections was held on December 5th 2001. The TNA in its manifesto urged a negotiated settlement of the ethnic conflict and emphasised that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) would represent the Tamil people at such talks.

When the election campaign got underway the LTTE did not openly support the TNA. The main reason for this was that the LTTE too was uncomfortable about this new development. The tigers believed that an armed struggle was the only way to liberate the Tamil people and ruled out the parliamentary path.

The LTTE had for years criticised representative democracy and accused many elected Tamil representatives of being traitors. The tigers had assassinated several prominent Tamil MP’s in the past.

Now for the first time the LTTE was indirectly supporting a Tamil political grouping at an election. This to its hierarchy was a tremendous come down.

That was one reason the leadership based in the Wanni allowed its eastern political commissar Karikalan to do the spadework. The Wanni leadership came in only at the penultimate stages to merely assure the TNA constituents that they did not oppose the move.

This reluctance to identify themselves with parliamentary democracy in anyway was the reason for the LTTE to “outsource” the task of forging a Tamil alliance to a core group consisting mainly of journalists and academics in Batticaloa district.

It is relevant to note that several of these journalists and academics who played a part in forming the TNA were killed later by para-military forces aligned to the intelligence apparatus of the state. Some were killed during the fratricidal warfare between the mainstream LTTE and the breakaway faction led by the Karuna-Pillaiyan combine.

A few journalists involved later contested on behalf of the TNA and became MP’s. But many journalists and academic participants of the TNA forming exercise were compelled to flee the country and seek refuge abroad in later years.

Uncomfortable

The tigers were wary about another matter also. Having been used to order the Tamil people and get things done the LTTE was uncomfortable about an election where people had to be persuaded or convinced into extending support as opposed to doing so as commanded.

If the LTTE were to support the TNA openly and the Tamils did not vote accordingly that would reflect badly upon the LTTE.

Moreover there was also the tiger tendency of viewing only itself as the authentic representatives of the Tamil people. The LTTE was not prepared to “share” this status with any other body at that juncture.

It must be recalled that the LTTE too was suspicious about the TNA. What if some TNA members crossed over or turned against the tigers after getting elected?

Thus the 2001 election campaign was conducted without overt LTTE participation. The tigers also refused to let TNA candidates conduct election propaganda meetings in areas controlled by it.But the LTTE did not block Tamil voters in regions controlled by it from voting.They were allowed to vote in cluster booths set up in “border” areas.

However the armed forces were unhappy about this situation. They did not permit voters from LTTE controlled areas to “crossover” and vote.

The greatest benefit for the TNA candidates was that they could campaign without fear of violence from the LTTE. But this time the danger was from the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) in the north.

Douglas Devananda identified the TNA as a big political threat to his dream of becoming the sole alternative to the LTTE’s sole representative.TNA candidates were attacked when they engaged in election propaganda in EPDP strongholds.

Results

When the 2001 election results were announced the TNA contesting under the sun symbol of the TULF had done well.

In Jaffna the TNA got six of the nine seats. Anandasangaree, Senathirajah, Raviraj (TULF) Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, Vinayagamoorthy (ACTC) and MK Sivajilingam (TELO) were elected on behalf of the TNA. The EPDP got two seats and Maheswaran of the UNP also won.

In the Wanni the TNA got three of the six seats. Adaikkalanathan (Selvam)Raja.Kuhaneswaran (TELO) and Sivasakthi Anandan (EPRLF) were elected on behalf of the TNA.

Dharmalingam Siddharthan of the PLOTE contesting through its registered political party Democratic Peoples Liberation Front(DPLF) was also elected.

In the East R. Sambandan was elected in Trincomalee district. Chandranehru Ariyanayagam won in the Amparai (Digamadulla) district. Both were from the TULF.

In Batticaloa the TNA got three seats. Thangavadivel alias “London Murugan’ (TELO)Krishnapillai alias “Vellimalai” (ACTC) and Joseph Pararjasingham (TULF) were elected.

On the strength of votes received the TNA was also entitled to a national list seat. Veteran politician and president of the TULF Murugesu Sivasithamparam was nominated.

The TNA under the TULF label had fourteen elected and one appointed MP in 2001. Of this fifteen the TULF had seven,TELO had four, ACTC had three and the EPRLF one.

The “unity” of these Tamil parties seemed to have reaped political dividends. With Ranil Wickremasinghe becoming prime minister the peace process received a massive boost.

First Phase

It was expected that the TNA particularly the TULF would play a role in the negotiating exercise. The first phase (2001-2004)of the TNA commenced.

It was obvious that the TULF was the single largest party in the TNA and wielded enormous influence among sizable sections of Tamils. Besides it had a positive image with India and the western nations on account of its adherence to principles of democracy and abhorrence of political violence.

TULF secretary-general R. Sambandan had a wealth of experience in peace negotiations. The TNA was expected by many to function as the political front of the LTTE.

The tigers however had other ideas. Instead of letting the TNA function independently and maintain political credibility the LTTE wanted to bring the new formation under its jackboot.

Furthermore the LTTE wanted to demonstrate to the Tamil people and the world at large that they the tigers were the masters and that the TNA was a mere minion at their beck and call.The TNA bondage became apparent in a very short time.

What was most disappointing in this scenario was the abject servitude of the TULF with the exception of Veerasingham Aanandasangaree.

The TULF had its own political strength and could possibly have stood up to tiger diktat but due perhaps to mortal dread of the tigers did not dare to do so.

The harbinger of this TULF “surrender” was Sivasithamparam’s pathetic interview that he was prepared to serve Prabhakaran

Assassinated

The LTTE had killed two TNA Parliamentarians Arunasalam Thangathurai and Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam in 1997 and 1999. In 2000 another TULF Parliamentarian Nimalan Soundaranayagam was killed by the tigers.

Two TULF mayors Sarojini Yogeswaran and Pon. Sivapalan were assassinated by the LTTE. Another mayoral aspirant Pon.Mathimugarajah was also killed.

Several other MPs like Pararajasingham, Selvarajah and Thurairajasingham had received threats and been directly intimidated..Sambandan had been brazenly warned by LTTE political adviser Anton Balasingham to “toe the line” at a one to one meeting arranged by British MP Barry Gardiner in London.

Against this backdrop the caving in by the TULF was understandable. It could not however be condoned as it was a betrayal of those TULF stalwarts and ordinary members who died at the hands of the LTTE.

It was one thing to extend limited cooperation to the LTTE to help achieve a negotiated settlement in the larger interests of the Tamil people.

It was entirely another matter to support the LTTE blindly and encourage the tigers in their disastrous war project.

One does not know whether the LTTE would have taken heed of TULF counsel in this regard. But the crux of the matter is that the then TULF did not try (The current TULF under Aanandasangaree is different).

Instead they actively collaborated with the LTTE. As a result these politicians also stand in the dock with the LTTE for having brought the Tamil people to such a sorry situation.

In the aftermath of the TNA victory in 2001 the LTTE was careful in handling the group particularly the TULF. Gradually the LTTE applied pressure and brought the TNA under its control.

The tigers illustrated their power by targeting the TULF and bending that party towards subservience.

Sangaree

The only TULF leader who stood up to the LTTE was Sangaree. He became the victim as his comrades deserted him an abysmal act of political betrayal.

The LTTE had always been somewhat suspicious of Aanandasangaree who was regarded as being close to the Peoples Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam(PLOTE) and later the Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF) led by Paranthan Rajan.

The tigers had also identified Sangaree as the primary force holding up the TULF against both the LTTE and EPDP violence.

Sangaree was mainly responsible for the TULF renaissance in the Jaffna municipal polls of 1998 and for keeping the council afloat after the killing of two TULF mayors.

Had Sangaree also bowed his head to the LTTE and was ready to be a puppet the tigers would have embraced him in the same way other TULF leaders were accepted. But that was not to be so.

When the newly elected TNA parliamentarians went up to Kilinochchi for their first meeting with Velupillai Prabhakaran the tiger supremo made it a point to talk at length with Aanandasangaree. He praised Sangaree for standing up to the EPDP in Parliament.

The cracks in the LTTE – Sangaree relationship first appeared when the LTTE intimidated the top government officers in Jaffna into rejecting requests and representations made by Sangaree in his capacity as MP.

Then came Sangaree’s move to get the re-constructed Jaffna public lbrary formally opened by the then TULF mayor Sellan Kandaiyan. The LTTE opposed this.

The man who led the tiger effort was none other than Selvarajah Gajendran who became an MP in 2004. Kandaiyan was from the so called depessed caste community.

TULF President Sivasithamparam passed away in mid-2002 and senior vice-president Aanandasangaree succeeded him. The national list MP seat was also rendered vacant.

National List

Apart from Sivasithamparam the other person included as a TULF nominee for the national list was S. Muthulingam ex-Uduvil VC chairman. Aanandasangaree wanted Muthulingam to be appointed MP.

Sambandan and Pararajasingham wanted Thurairatnasingham who had contested and lost in Trincomalee to be appointed instead. In order to achieve their objective this TULF duo resorted to appealing to the LTTE.

There was absolutely no need for this as the appointment of a TULF national list MP was an internal party matter.

But like Esau of the old testament bartering away his birthright for a mess of pottage these two were ready to abdicate their independence for LTTE endorsement.

Since Sambandan was the secretary-general of the TULF it was easily possible for the appointment of Thurairatnasingham with LTTE backing.

Subseqently Sangaree too appealed to LTTE political commissar Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan in a futile bid to counter this move. It was to of no avail. Sangaree too deserves condemnation for appealing to the LTTE

Breaking Point

The breaking point however was when Anton Balasingham told the media that the TNA parliamentarians were acting according to LTTE wishes and would periodically be summoned to Kilinochchi to receive their orders.

While the rest of the TNA did not raise even a whimper of protest it was only Sangaree who issued a strong statement criticising Balasingham openly for this high-handed utterance.

But the rest of the TULF or TNA did not back up Sangaree publicly though a few like Raviraj lauded him privately. But Balasingham was furious.

Soon the TULF leadership minus Sangaree was summoned to Kilinochchi by Thamilselvan who ordered the party to remove Sangaree from his leadership position.

Realising the injustice of the LTTE command the TULF stalwarts procrastinated asking Sangaree to quit on his own. When he stubbornly refused the TULF continued to filibuster as there was rank and file support then for the TULF president.

But Thamilselvan was firm in getting Sangaree out. Later Prabhakaran also indicated he wanted Sangaree out. Apparently the LTTE was angered by Sangaree’s defiance and wanted to make an example of him.

Walking Corpses

Finally the TULF general council voted against Aanandasangaree in an exercise described by the UTHR (Jaffna) as something akin to a “walking corpses” performance.

Sangaree however resorted to legal action with Wijedasa Rajapakshe appearing for him. The court ruling prevented Aanandasangaree being removed as TULF president. Loyal members of the TULF “old guard” remain with the TULF under Aanandasangaree while others are now functioning within a TNA structure.

Having taught the TNA through the Sangaree affair what the price of defiance would be the LTTE intensified its grip on the TNA. Under different circumstances Sangaree would simply have been bumped off.

But what helped Sangaree was the hesitation of the LTTE to assassinate a democratically elected Tamil MP during a period where a peace process was in progress.

Later the tigers were ready to kill Sangaree but by then the Sri Lankan state had realised the TULF presidents political value and extended to him adequate protection. As a result the tigers could not kill him.

Also the LTTE priorities were changed during the Rajapaksa regime. Being a non-MP Sangaree’s importance was reduced in tiger eyes while other targets received greater attention. The downside of being protected by state security was the decrease in popular support for Aanandasangaree.

Defining Moment

The Aanandasangaree episode is referred to in detail here because of its importance in the evolution of the TNA. It is of great significance because it determined the future course of the TULF-TNA vis a vis the LTTE. It was a defining moment.

Had the TNA leaders in general and the TULF in particular rallied to Aanandasangaree’s defence then the tiger tendency to dominate may have been curtailed to some extent. The TULF-TNA could have retained some self-respect and autonomy of action.

Instead the TULF-TNA chose to grovel before the LTTE and let down Aanandasangaree badly. In the process the TNA in general and the “old” TULF undermined themselves and were reduced to being mere appendages of the LTTE.

Today the TNA has fragmented badly. The basis for this dissension lies in the roots of the TNA and in the handiwork of the LTTE.

The TNA came together as a loose coalition of parties but when the tigers established total control they could have cemented this unity as a structural whole . They could have got the TNA registered as a party with a constitution and party structure.

The LTTE did not do so and in fact prevented such moves when suggested by the TELO and EPRLF. Instead the tigers preferred to keep the TNA constituents as separate parties without forging a permanent alliance.

This enabled the LTTE to manipulate and control each party separately. At the same time the tigers were pre-empting a parallel or rival Tamil political organization emerging or developing.

Likewise older established democratic parties like the TULF and ACTC were also reluctant to merge with ex- militant organizations like the EPRLF and TELO. They wanted to preserve their distinct identities.

As for the TELO and EPRLF they were at times encumbered by their militant reputation and wanted to extricate themselves from their violent past. For them dissolution of the existing parties in favour of a greater entity was desirable.

Apart from preventing the TNA being concretised as a whole and independent party the LTTE also drove wedges between the parties. One was manipulated against the other. Also members of one party were set up against others of the same party. Factionalism was fomented. Individual tale-carrying was encouraged.

Divide and Rule

It is said that the British practised the divide and rule principle. They united for administrative convenience to exploit while dividing the ethnicities politically to govern.

When the British left these fissiparous tendencies came to the fore and many countries of the commonwealth were saddled with separatist movements.

In similar fashion the LTTE maintained “unity” of the TNA as a facade on the one hand while keeping the constituents dis-united on the other.

The TNA remained as one entity while the LTTE remained powerful. But once the tigers were no more the submerged differences have emerged.In that sense the current instability too is a consequence of LTTE imposition.

The tigers succeeded in showing to the TNA they were the mastersThe next few years saw the TNA becoming complete slaves of the LTTE.

When the 2004 Parliamentary elections was on the cards the LTTE changed its stance. The tigers played an active role in selection of candidates and conduct of the TNA election campaign.

The 2001 election had seen the TNA contesting under the TULF symbol of sun.Now the TULF was officially separate and independent under Aanandasangaree. So a new symbol was needed. The Federal party known as Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK)symbol of house and the All Ceylon Tamil Congress symbol of cycle were available.

Though both the ITAK and ACTC Had merged to form the TULF in 1976 both retained their distinct identity as registered parties due to peculiar political circumstances. The LTTE decided to go ahead with the ITAK and house. Senathirajah was the secretary of ITAK.

New Element

The TNA constituent parties were asked to put forward their nominees. In addition to these the LTTE itself introduced a new element. The tigers had a list of names without any political party affiliation.

Many of these were office-bearers in LTTE front organizations. They were all die-hard tiger supporters. A few were LTTE members.

The LTTE prepared a TNA candidate list for each district. The lists consisted of nominees from the TULF, ACTC, TELO, EPRLF and those without party affiliation. Actually the term “Tiger nominated Agents” would apply to the latter category.

The lists for the North were finalised by Thamilselvan in consultation with regional commanders. The lists for Batticaloa and Amparai were finalised by Karuna and Karikalan. The list for Trincomalee was finalised by Paduman and Thilak. Once finalised the TNA officially “Approved” them.

The election campaign commenced in earnest. The ceasefire accord of 2002 had paved the way for a tiger presence in government controlled areas in the form of political offices.

Now these offices were stocked with tiger cadres. Their task was to do “propaganda” for the TNA.

In Jaffna and Batticaloa the LTTE cadres together with pro-tiger student organizations in the Thirunelvely and Vantharumoolai campuses engaged in propaganda.

In Jaffna a tiger motor cycle brigade went into action intimidating rival candidates like Aanandasangaree and Devananda. On polling day an active force of 1500 “volunteers” embarked on a gigantic vote rigging spree.

The situation in Batticaloa underwent a rapid transformation one month prior to the poll on April 2nd 2004. On March 3rd 2004 the eastern regional tiger commander Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan revolted against Prabhakaran and broke away.This had its repercussions on the elections campaign

Rajan Sathiyamoorthy

Among the TNA candidates was in B’caloa was Rajan Sathiyamoorthy the father of current B’caloa mayor Sivageetha Prabhakaran. He was regarded as Karuna’s right-hand man and an architecht of the eastern revolt.

Sathiyamoorthy and his brother in law were shot dead by the mainstream LTTE while doing morning pooja at the shrine room in their house.

Karuna organized a grand funeral and buried Sathiyamoorthy with honours at the tiger great heroes cemetery. After nightfall rival tiger cadres dug up the corpse and dumped it in a half-burnt state by the banks of a river.

The TNA lists for Batticaloa and Amparai had been compiled before the Karuna split. Now a fellow candidate had been brutally killed. His buried corpse had been defiled.

Yet there was not a peep of protest from fellow TNA candidates. They simply kept mum and went on with their electioneering regardless of what had happened.

Astounding

Election day came and the results were certainly astounding for the TNA. The LTTE had done its part in doing propaganda, ensuring a large turn out of voters and vote rigging. The TNA virtually swept the polls among Tamil voters in the North and East.

In Jaffna the TNA got eight of the nine seats. Selva.Gajendran, Pathmini Sithamparanathan, Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam,Suresh Premachandran, Nadarajah Raviraj, Somasundaram Senathirajah, Sinnaiah Sivanesan and MK Sivajilingam were returned. Douglas Devananda was the solitary EPDP winner.

In the Wanni the TNA got five of the six seats. Selvam Adaikkalanathan, Vinotharahalingam,Sivasakthi Anandan, Sathasivam Kanagaratnam and Sivanathan Kishore were elected. The sixth went to Rishard Bathiyutheen of the Muslim Congress.

In Trincomalee the TNA received the most number of votes and got the bounus seat. Both Sambandan and Thurairatnasingham were elected. In Amparai district the TNA sitting MP Chandranehru lost but a newcomer K. Pathmanathan was elected on the TNA ticket.

In Batticaloa the TNA got four of the five seats . T.Kanagasabhai, Thangeswari Kadirgamar,T. Jeyanandamoorthy and Kingsley Rajanayagam were elected. Veteran Batticaloa politician Joseph Parajasingham who had been an MP since 1990 had lost. Sathiyamoorthy though dead received more than 20,000 preference votes.

The TNA lists for Batticaloa- Amparai had been approved by Karuna. But the LTTE split occurred after nominations were filed. Most TNA candidates were in a quandary after the split and undecided on which horse to back.

Sathiyamoorthy openly supported Karuna and paid the supreme price. Pararajasingham backed the LTTE Wanni leadership and so lost in what was a rigged poll. The rest wavered and were like cats on the wall.

The political climate changed within a week of the poll when the LTTE launched a military onslaught on the Karuna break-away faction.

Once the mainstream LTTE got the upper hand and Karuna relocated to Colombo the wavering TNA MP’s through their lot in with the Wanni leadership.

Kingsley Rajanayagam

There was however a hitch as P. Ariyanendran the Kokkattisolai Sivan temple trustee and editor of the LTTE journal “THamizh Alai” (Tamil wave) had not got elected.

On the other hand Kingsley Rajanayagam an ardent Tamil nationalist was suspect in the eyes of the LTTE due to his perceived affinity to Karuna.

In another blatant display of LTTE tyranny the elected MP Rajanayagam was virtually abducted and forced to resign his parliamentary seat. His family in Thamaraikerny in B’caloa town was under threat.

Thus Rajanayagam “relinquished” his seat which was filled by Ariyanendran. Subsequently Rajanayagam was killed by the LTTE.

All this happened but the TNA parliamentarians were not bothered at all.They simply emulated the three monkeys made famous by Mahatma Gandhi. They remained blind,deaf and dumb.

Meanwhile the TNA was entitled to two national list seats. Joseph Pararjasingham was appointed to one and MK Kanakendran alias “Eelaventhan” (king of Eelam) to the other.

Eelaventhan though originally from the FP and TULF was now a maverick sycophant of the LTTE.

There were now twenty elected and two appointed MP’s.Of these twenty-two eleven were from the original four constituent parties of the TNA.

They were Sambandan,Thurairatnasingham, Senathirajah, Raviraj,Pararajasingham (TULF) Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam (ACTC)SElvam Adaikkalanathan, Vonoharahalingam. Sivajilingam (TELO) and Sivasakthi Anandan, Suresh Premachandran (EPRLF).

There were eleven with non-party affiliation .They were Selva,Gajendran, Padmini Sithamparanathan, Sinnaiah Sivanesan, Sathasivam Kanagaratnam, Sivanathan Kishore, T.Kanagasabhai, Thangeswari Kadirgamar, Jeyanandamoorthy, Ariyanendran , K. Pathmanathan and MK Eelaventhan.

Fifty-Fifty

So the TNA parliamentarians were divided equally as those with and without party affiliation. In lighter vein both sides were evenly matched to play Cricket, Soccer or Hockey. GG Ponnambalam’s “fifty-fifty” formula had at last been implemented.

Subseqently Eelaventhan fell foul of the LTTE leadership and was deprived of his MP seat on the orders of the LTTE. Even the jeep allocated to him was “re-possessed “by the LTTE. Currently he is in Canada spouting venomous hatred against Sambandan.

Parajasingham, Raviraj and Sivanesan were assassinated at different times in different places. Their vacancies were filled by Chandranehru Chandrakanthan (TULF),Nallathamby Sri Kantha (TELO) and Solomon Cyril (non –party). Eelaventhan was replaced by RM Imam a Jaffna Muslim stalwart of the TULF.

Second Phase

The TNA track record during its second phase from 2004 to 2010 was as dismal as the earlier first phase from 2001-2004. It could be termed as even worse because war erupted fully during this.

The first phase was one where the TNA did not play a constructive role in helping to usher in a negotiated peace.

The second phase was one where the TNA supported the LTTE in bringing about war and was then powerless to protect the helpless Tamil civilians from the consequences of that war.

In the first part of this article published last week I have written extensively about the TNA political performance within and outside Parliament.

I do not intend therefore to re-appraise that record in this section except to reiterate that the TNA failed in their duty miserably by playing second fiddle to the LTTE and bear responsibility to a great extent for the pathetic plight of the Sri Lankan Tamil people.

Third Phase

It is against this backdrop that the TNA enters its crucial third phase. Though this phase should properly begin after the April 8th 2010 elections some recent developments could also be attributed to this phase.

In a sense the TNA has undergone a transfiguration after the events of May 2009 where the LTTE was defeated and virtually destroyed in the Karaithuraipatru AGA division of Mullaitheevu district.

Realising perhaps that the LTTE was on the verge of military defeat and suffering perhaps pangs of conscience for the tragic state of the Tamil people the TNA leadership tried in early 2008 to draft a political blueprint for a negotiated settlement.

There was encouragement in this regard from influential sections of the international community and India as well as thinking sections of the Tamil Diaspora.

A panel of Tamil lawyers was assigned the task of drafting a scheme outlining the contours of a political settlement. The idea was to base it on the Oslo accord of 2002 where the Govt of the day and the LTTE agreed to explore a federal solution. Representatives of 56 Countries and International organizations were witnesses to that historic agreement.

But when Senathirajah went to the Wanni to attend Sivanesan’s funeral and met with Prabhakaran the tiger supremo was not pleased with the project.

Apparently Prabhakaran wanted to distance himself from the Oslo agreement signed by Anton Balasingham. Thereafter the TNA project of drafting political proposals was put in cold storage.

Political Proposals

After the military debacle suffered by the LTTE last May the TNA again took up the project. Sambandan a lawyer himself requested two Tamil lawyers outside the TNA to draft political proposals. They did so in consultation with Sambandan who in turn consulted Senathirajah and Suresh Premachandran.

Once the scheme was formulated it was submitted to Srikantha and Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam both lawyers themselves.

The scheme was modified and submitted to all TNA parliamentarians in Sri Lanka for their approval. It was obtained. The MP’s were asked to keep details of the proposals confidential.

The proposals apparently avoided contentious issues and did not refer to the terms unitary or federal. With fresh Presidential and Parliamentary elections on the cards the idea was to to submit it to the “new” President and “new” Parliamentary government as a basis for political negotiations.

It was felt that greater support for the proposals could be garnered from progressive sections of the Sinhala majority, International community and India for these. The TNA hierarchy was fully conscious that the Tamil people had no bargaining clout at the present juncture.

Meanwhile the Presidential polls took place. The cracks within the TNA surfaced. There was a major difference of opinion about lending support.

The bulk of TNA parliamentarians were for refraining from supporting either candidate and boycotting polls. Some wanted to field a separate Tamil candidate. One wanted to support the incumbent President. But the influential trio of Sambandan, Senathirajah and Suresh were for Sarath Fonseka and officially endorsed the General’s candidacy

This resulted in Sivajilingam contesting the Presidency himself with Srikantha’s backing. Sathasivam Kanagaratnam released from custody as a ” terrorist suspect” openly canvassed for Mahinda Rajapaksa in terms of his release as arranged.

Sivanathan Kishore who facilitated Kanagaratnam’s release had publicly hugged and kissed President Rajapaksa thereby indicating his future political direction.

The presidential poll saw Rajapaksa win but the Tamils and Muslims of the North and East voted for Fonseka. Both the TNA and Muslim Congress claim credit for this.

Nomination

As a result the triple “S” trio of Sambandan, Senathirajah and Suresh felt confident enough to “weed” out problematic elements from party nomination lists for the Parliamentary election.

Some of the “unmanageable” MP’s like Selva.Gajendran and Pathmini Sithamparanathan were denied nomination. So to were people like Sivajilingam and Sivanathan Kishore. Of the MP’s with non-party affiliation only Ariyanendran has been given nomination again.

Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam however supported Gajendran and Padmini Sithamparanathan and wanted the TNA to nominate the duo in place of himself and fellow ACTC nominee Appathurai Vinayagamoorthy.

This was refused and so the ACTC is now split with Vinayagamoorthy contesting as TNA while Gajendrakumar along with Gajendran and Sithamparanathan are contesting as Tamil Nationalist Peoples Front candidates under the ACTC cycle symbol.

Sivanathan Kishore, Sathasivam Kanagaratnam and Thangeswari Kadirgamar are contesting under the betel symbol of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) in Wanni and B’caloa.

Sivajilingam and Srikantha have formed the Tamil National Liberation Alliance and are contesting under the umbrella symbol of the Left front led by Dr. Vickramabahu Karunaratne.

Some TNA ex-MP’s have quit like Kanagasabhai and Thurairatnasingham. While Kanagasabhai remains aloof Thurairatnasingham is canvassing actively for the TNA in Trincomalee. Jeyanandamoorthy is abroad but keeps criticising the TNA leadership. Solomon Cyril though denied nomination keeps away from politics.

Rhetoric

An adverse consequence of the TNA break-up is the rise of extremist rhetoric. With some Tamil ex-MP’s accusing the TNA of betraying Tamil interests and putting forward unrealistic demands the TNA too is compelled to raise the ante with equally bombastic rhetoric.

The negative contribution of irrational Diasporic elements has compounded the situation further.

It is in this situation that the TNA enters its important third phase. The fragmented alliance faces hustings at a critical period for Sri Lankan Tamils. It is a moot point as to whether the elections in the north and east would be free and fair.

Nevertheless the poll is of tremendous importance as it would enable the Sri Lankan Tamils to re-gain a strong, unified voice again. For this to be possible the Tamil voters must give the reformed, re-configured TNA another chance.

Will They?

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பிடித்த பின்னூட்டம் (அதே இணைப்பில்)

11. Amirthakaliyan | April 3rd, 2010 at 12:36 am

In other words, DBS has demonstrated clearly that Tamils politics is ALSO the last refuge of scoundrels. Except for Mavai Senathi, who is a scoundrel from the very beginning? Mavai had not done anything in life other than Tamil politics and if not for politics, even now he cannot do anything else in life.

The real exception is Anandasagaree. Hats off. I wish him well. What a courage to stand up single handedly against the LTTE.

A political and/or an election defeat must end the political career of any sensible and respectable person. But in Sri Lankan politics, the failures are the pillars of political success. If people reject you in poll, find a way through the national list because it was the same people who polled to create that seat. In other words, if you are defeated, you become a technocrat overnight to fill the national list.

Few comments, before I embark on my view on the future of Tamils, especially for the eastern Tamils.

Knowing Kingsley Rasanaygam well I do not agree that he was ever a Tamil nationalist. Hailing from Kallar, he had strong leaning to LTTE and showed his due loyalty and caste solidarity to the LTTE. Secondly, from Batticaloa he moved to Vanni to help the LTTE to form its Eelam Bank and returned with some money to buy some lands in Batti and finally got killed in the same land which he bought with the LTTE [or people’s] money.

If Raviraj had lauded Sangaree privately for criticizing Anton Bala, then the LTTE is also on the killer’s list of Raviraj.

Sathasivam Kanagaratnam and Sivanathan Kishore are thick as thieves from day one. Sathasivam Kanagaratnam also known as Anna Coffee Van Kanaku is the brother of Sellakili who was killed in July 1983. If Kanaku, Kishore, Sivajilingam can become legislatures of Tamils, the seats once held by GG, SJV, Thiruchelvam, Neelan, Kadirgamar etc., it is the worst curse this community can continue to have.

It is my understanding that MPs are legislatures. They legislate law and nothing else. The other parts of the government such as executive and judiciary will do their part in running the country and one shall not interfere into the other.

But our MPs do everything other than legislation for many reasons. They are not qualified to understand what legislation is. They do not have any language skills to legislate. They do not have the basic understanding of law making. All what they know is to interfere in the executive. They strongly believe that transferring and punishing, teachers, grama sevakas and civil servants who did not vote for them, is their primary duty. In this Tamil Nadu MPs are their Gurus.

But ignoring all these important duties and responsibilities, in the name of unity, Tamils vote en masse and send bunch of donkeys to Parliament who does nothing other than raising voice which no other non-Tamil MP can understand. The commentators above and DBS are telling the same to ‘re-gain a strong, unified voice again’. For what? Have they not raised a unified voice in the past? Is there anything new to tell to the majority community?

In 1977, we were unified and made history by forming the leading opposition party and for the first time in the history a Tamil became the leader of opposition. And since then, Tamils continuously occupied parliamentary seats in the opposition. What did the Tamils achieve?

On the contrary, think about the period where Tamils occupied the government seats and what they gained. To mention a few, KKS cement factory, Paranthan chemicals, Valaichenai paper mills, Irakkamam tile factory, Ilmenite factory in the east and many more. In addition, the local development of Tamil areas took place only when a Tamil MP was in the govt. If there was any local development in Batticaloa, that took place only after Rajan Selvanayagam was elected as MP in 1977 and not during C Rajadurai’s 35 years of service with the Federal party. I think it was the same for Jaffna during Alfred Duraiyappas time. But I did not vote to Rajan Selvanayagam. As an emotional donkey, I voted to the Tamil unity without knowing what it is. Do I have to continue this forever?

The lesson we have learnt in the past is that nothing can be done in a democracy without sitting with the ruling party. Democracy means rule by the majority. Opposition is there only to monitor what the majority does and not to dictate the majority. So let us join the ruling party and do some work to our so called homeland. The only practical way to stop Sinhala colonization into Tamil areas [if that is a concern], to develop Tamil areas, to find a way to rehabilitate the ex militants who are in detention and for any other matter, is to take a seat in the cabinet and raise our voice there. No point in barking in the parliament.

Let us put behind our religion, language, caste, creed or whatever we allege to have behind the four corners of the walls of our houses and we shall come to the streets with one identity as Sri Lankans. Let us do this for another 50 years and see whether we will care for what we left behind the four walls. If we were willing to take the risk of destroying everything for the last 30 years in a violent manner, why we cannot do this in a democratic way.

Yes, I know we did this before 1971. But did we do a united way? No. The Tamil man who did the major development works in the north and the east was branded by Federal Party as a traitor and he was defeated in the elections. Tamil politicians undercut each other to gain power and they used the venom called ‘Tamil Nationalism’. This helped the Sinhalese to deny our rights and we suffered and continue to suffer.

To make the story short, I wish all the Tamils who contest in SLFP and UNP tickets win in the forthcoming elections. All the Tamils vote for a Tamil who contest under UNP and/or SLFP ticket. If those MPs can work with the government and can develop their respective areas that would be a yeoman service to the Tamil nation now.

If Tamils need a separate party, there shall be a new political party without the word ‘Tamil’ in the name of the party. It could have a Constitution such a way that the party leadership is held by the Tamils. That party shall contest all over Sri Lanka giving opportunity to other communities to contest. If there is a seat from national list, give that to a Sinhalese or to a Muslim. Let us teach them what Affirmative Action is. I know it is a long way but shorter than the wasted 30 years.

Again, stop this nonsense of ‘re-gaining a strong, unified voice again’. We have shouted and voiced enough. It did not work. So why it should work now or in the future. It is time to do something differently, constructively and intelligently. Let us not repeat the history, please.

More later!