வேறிடத்திலிருந்து செய்திகளை எடுத்து ஒட்டும்போது அது சம்பந்தமான உங்களின் கருத்தையும் எழுதினால் நன்றாக இருக்கும். இதை மற்றையோரும் கடைப்பிடிக்க முயற்சிக்கவும்.

PLOTE Mohan Shot at Bambalapitiya

Kandiah Yogaraja alias PLOTE Mohan, was shot at Duplication Road in close proximately to the famous shopping arcade "House of Fashion" around 11.20 am this morning. The assassins have come in a Motor Bike and fired at point blank range. He died on the spot. Eight gun shot injuries were found on his body. It is believed to have been carried out by the LTTE.

From EPDP News.

இது உண்மையோ தெரியாது. வேறு பெயர்களும் அடிவடுகின்றன.

Prabakaran is interested in a final assault against Sri Lankan forces and not in the peace talks Colonel Karuna Amman

London, 12 July: Venayagamoorthy alias Colonel Karuna Amman disclosed that when he went to Bangkok for the first time to participate in the peace negotiation with the Government of Sri Lanka, Velupillai Prabakaran leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam personally gave him a lethal weapon shopping list to be personally hand over to his arms broker K.Pathmanathan who lives in Bangkok.

Karuna, the LTTE renegade leader, clarified that Prabakaran gave the list for the purchase of the military hardware to him and not any briefing notes as to what and what points he should raise at the conference table.

Colonel Karuna Amman, in an interview given to the London based Thamil Broadcasting Corporation (TBC) and to the Tamil service of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) said Prabakarans arms broker who is commonly known as KP K. Pathmanathan and Aiyah, the two of them lives in Bangkok and he met them and handed over the list to them given by the Tiger leader.

Karuna alleged that Prabakaran is not all interested in the Peace Talks, but he is playing for time while making preparation for a final assault on the Sri Lankan forces.

In the interview aired over the two London based radios Karuna declared that he wanted to organize a political party embracing North and Eastern region of Sri Lanka. He added war would cause only death and destructions, but he said that he is not going to give up his struggle for the national liberation.

Karuna flatly denied that he was not at all involved in any of those killings that took place in the Eastern region of the country. He alleged that it was a well designed propaganda ploy of Prabakaran against him.

He also flatly denied that he is not operating either with the Sri Lankan Army or else with the Army’s intelligence agencies. He said,” I only live with my people in the East.”

Karuna explained in detail that he withdrew his forces during the Good Friday attack by Prabakaran cadres who crossed Verugal by 09th of May, and let them rejoin their families because he wanted to avoid fratricidal war.

When the interviewer asked why he did not resist Prabakaran when he ordered somewhere after 1989 to attack the Tamil cadres in the rival groups, he said that those days and even now, if anyone resists or disobey the orders of Prabakaran then he can be sure of receiving bullet in his head.

When asked about the allegations made by Nilavini and r three other women cadres, he said those women cadres must have been kidnapped from their houses and made use for propaganda under threat and intimidation by Prabakaran’s operatives.

Karuna told that at present there are about 300 cadres with Prabakaran group in Batticaloa – Amparai districts and he has already appealed to them to leave group and go back to their homes. He said that would happen very soon.

He alleged that Prabakaran group is involved in the killings of the innocent civilians and those former cadres who refuse to rejoin them. If this situation continues it wont be long for the entire people in the Batticaloa Amparai districts to rise against Prabakaran and his men and wage a armed campaign to chase them away from the East.

- Asian Tribune -

Karuna Speaks: Peace talks the biggest comical circus being staged by Prapakaran

Karuna continues : yesterday I spoke about Karikalan.

In fact Karikalan is a friend of mine. He raised voice against the LTTE leadership and spoke openly on behalf of me. I knew that well.

He was unable to hold on with his independent position for a long time. Unfortunately, he was subdued, threatened and intimidated.

His wife is from Jaffna and was working in the Vanni as a medical practitioner.

Karikalan was summoned through his wife to Vanni and there he was told that he should stop prating about me. Prating … yes this was how I was informed that his view was termed by the Vanni handlers.

Vanni leadership strictly scolded and disciplined him. “If you want to be alive keep your dirty gap shut about Karuna. No Batticaloa sentiments over here, understand? Once you are in the outfit, you must follow the ‘Leader’s Order’ that is all.”

They continued, “This is not a parliament or trade union organization to tolerate dissenting views within the outfit”– Karikalan was told with a stern finality.

My contact within the outfit told me the details of how a senior cadre was mistreated. He was admonished, because he was out of place, in Vanni.

They told him that Prabakaran’s word is the “Gospel Truth” and to give up resentment and simply follow the “Great Leader Prabakaran.”

I came to know these details later.

Subsequently, poor Karikalan, especially his wife was rewarded with a trip to Switzerland, accompanying her husband after the brain storming session in Vanni.

There in Switzerland he made statements against me to pacify the expatriate Tamils who lives in Europe and in North America – what else he can do except following His Master’s Voice? I pity for him!

Also I learnt that Jim Kelly Thattha and Robert who were taken to Vanni by Ramesh are shot and killed on the orders of Prabakaran. When I heard of their death, I was stunned for a minute. I prayed for them.

What a gem they both were. Both of them were war-weary and dare devils. Their courage was unmatched. The Tamil liberation struggle has lost two able field commanders.

“Asian Tribune” asked about the killing of Professor Thambiah and of journalist Nadesan.

Karuna Speaks: I have already replied to these questions in my last interview I had with Thamil Broadcasting Corporation. I also saw the interview was very nicely translated in the “Asian Tribune”, therefore to save energy and time you may also make your readers to take a look at that interview for those details.

But I have to elaborate on one important aspect. There is an allegation against me as I am involved in regionalism and regional politics. I remember an adage in the English language – Charity begins at home.

Because I love my region it does not mean that I am opposed to Tamil nationalism. I am a Tamil nationalist better than the so called Tamil nationalists of the Vanni group.

My Tamil nationalism embraces not the Tamils alone, but that includes the Tamil-speaking people in this country. One cannot be a Tamil nationalist by discarding and harassing a section of the Tamil-speaking people of this country and involving in the ethnic cleansing..

Muslims living in this country are also from the Tamil ethnicity. I have no doubt about it, though even a section of the Muslims who have been misled by their leadership might come to challenge my statement.

Ethnicity is grouped based on the language one speaks and this is my definition of ethnicity and I think that definition as a most accepted one.

Earlier, Muslim leaders of Colombo, they cleverly drove a wedge in the midst of the Tamil-speaking people, - Tamils and the Muslims.

By the divisive ploy of the Muslim leaders of Colombo, they managed to separate the Muslims from the Tamils and today they have successfully evolved a religious based distinct group – called Muslims, as a separate social entity but they are not a separate ethnic entity.

But I consider the Tamils and Muslims belongs to the Tamil-speaking group – Tamil nationalism and inseparable.

I should also point out that, if I was a regionalist, I would not have supported the Tamil candidates who contested in the Tamil Arasu Kadchi party ticket in the Eastern region. Despite difference of opinion by that time with the Vanni group, I and my people worked for the victory of those candidates.

If we would have opposed them and told the people in the region not to cast their votes to Tamil Arasu Kadchi candidates today none of them would have won in the Eastern region.

If I have not worked for their victory, by now we would be having at least two or three Douglas Devanananda’s people representing the Eastern region in the parliament.

When I refer Eastern region, it must be remembered that I am referring the entire region including Trincomalee.

Trincomalee - has to be the capital city of the traditional homeland of the Tamils.

Trincomalee also is included when I refer Eastern region. We had an efficient leader for the Trincomallee region, who was my friend Pathuman.

Pathuman was a good friend of ours. During the early days when my issue was discussed he supported my position.

He was quietly summoned to Vanni. There he was told to stop speaking in favor of me. When he refused he was arrested and thrown into the jail. My friend today is languishing in the torture chambers of the Vanni group. There should be an end to all these brutalities and violence. We will definitely expose all these things in the months to come and bring an end to this sordid episode.

When “Asian Tribune” asked about Thamilselvan’s statement about the ongoing dilly-dallying of the peace Talks, by the Tamil rebel outfit …?

Karuna speaks : I am watching this comical circus with a keen interest. How can they concentrate on talks when the danger knocks at their very door in my form?

As they said my issue has to be brought to an end and that could happen only by me and my group dislodges them from the East, which would be a reality soon

Kindly understand that the so called peace talks are the biggest comical circus ever staged by Prapakaran.

End of the first session of the three part series.

- Asian Tribune -

நான் ஒரு புலி ... புல் தின்ன போவதில்லை - கருணா

Karuna Speaks: I am a Tiger and I will never eat grass even when I am famished.

Karuna continues to speak to the "Asian Tribune": I am one who has never supported any Sinhalese leaders politically or otherwise, up to date. I have not met anyone to have any secret negotiations. There was no need for me to have anything to do with any Sinhala leaders.

Because, I use to adopt a different political approach and a different way of life and the Sinhalese political leaders in Colombo adopt another way of life and approach which was directly opposed to ours. Therefore, we did not get any opportunity to have any interaction with the Sinhala leaders.

But we have a good number of Sinhala populations with us in the Amparai and also in the Batticalao districts. We maintain a very friendly and cordial relationship with them in the district level, because they are one and the same and part and parcel of us in the district.

Some of the Sinhala youths from our region are also with us and working for us politically and militarily.

Similarly we develop a very friendly relationship with the Muslims in the Eastern region.

I am for all three ethnic communities in the East to live peacefully.

On the other hand, It was Prabakaran who was involved in the ethnic cleansing of the Muslims.

On the orders of Prabakaran, on 3 August 1990, and I still vividly remember that it was a Friday and about LTTE cadres from the intelligence group stormed the Meera Jumma and Hussaniya mosques at Kattahnakudy and massacred the innocent Muslims, who were praying at that time. More than 120 Muslims were simply mauled down and more than 100 sustained injuries and subsequently half of those who sustained gunshot injuries succumbed, I was told.

Subsequently, Prabakaran issued an ultimatum on 23 October 1990 that Muslims living in Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaithievu and Vavuniya districts should leave on or before 28 of October. Thus Prabaakaran drove out nearly 17,000 and more Muslim families from their traditional homeland.

According to Prabakarans instruction, all gold and valuables should be left at the nearest mosque and could only take with them merely Rs. 2,000.

Accordingly, the Muslims fled and took refuge in Puttalam, Anuradhapura and Trincomalee. Today this is a tragic history of ethnic cleansing.

There are more than 110,000 Muslims from the North at present languishing, for the past 14 years, and living as refugees in 74 camps in Puttalam and also in Anuradhapura and other parts of the country.

This barbaric act of ethnic cleansing could be only equated, may be with that of Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia, who was charged by the international community for war crimes and ethnic cleansing and now facing a trial at UN International Tribunal for Yugoslavia, which was established in 1993.

Unfortunately, so far no international court has been set up to inquire into the ethnic cleansing of the Muslim community by Velupillai Prabakaran.

When the turmoil subsided in the Batticaloa district after 1990, I started working with the Muslim leaders in the region to allay their fears about the Tamils and LTTE, to cultivate trust and better understanding in the region.

One of the Muslim leaders I worked very closely since 1990 in the Batticalao region was Ali Zahir Moulana. We were in touch very closely and I know him since his days in the school.

He married a Tamil lady and that family was also known to me since for a long time.

Ali Zahir Moulana helped me a lot in bringing out a better understanding with the Muslims in our region. Our friendship is not something that emerged after the signing of the ceasefire agreement, as reported by some political pundits of Prabakarans group.

We will deal with these self proclaimed pundits later.

Yes, I went with Ali Zahir Moulana to Colombo and he provided me with the transport facilities. I went to Colombo, because I had something to do in Colombo.

Meanwhile, Ali Zahir Moulana told me that Ramesh spoke to him and requested him to persuade me to leave for any foreign country with my family and friends.

I was also told that Ramesh also conveyed Prabakarans request to Ali Zahir Moulana to arrange him to send me to a foreign country.

Who are they to dictate terms to me?

When Asian Tribune asked Karuna did you meet Ranil Wickremasinghe or any other leaders of the UNP when you went to Colombo with Ali Zahir Moulana, who was one of the UNP leaders and an advisor to Ranil?

Karuna Speaks : I never met Ranil Wickremasinghe or any other UNP or other political party leaders. As I told initially that there was nothing in common for me to meet and discuss with them.

Asian Tribune asked Karuna whether he assured Ali Zahir Moulana, that he will get the support of the five Tamil Members of Parliament elected in the region to support the UNP in case they wishes to form the Government?

Karuna Speaks: The issue was never broached to me either by Ali Zahir Moulana, or by anyone to reply. That was a non-issue.

Furthermore, I wish to stress that It is I who has to decide what is best for me and for my people and nobody can dictate terms to me under any pretext.

I started my career as a rebel militant not to find comfort and solace for me and to my family. Everybody knows about it and it is I who has to decide what is best for those cadres who rely in me and depend on my leadership. I cannot betray them and flee to a foreign country to save my skin.

My life is not that dear to me, when compared with my cadres who believe in me and trust and place confidence in my leadership.

When I revolted against Prabakaraan, I knew what I was up to? I knew the dangers and the consequences that may ensue when I oppose the most ruthless terrorist in the world.

Nobody knows anything about Prabakaran except me. I know his strength as well as his weakness. I know well where I should hit him to make him squirm. I also know where I should hit to make him hurt and I will do it at the right time.

Initially, I had some teething problems and I was not fully organized. So he had the opportunity to strike me and prevent me from getting organized. He did it because; he was fully aware what a formidable foe I will be, once I am organized.

He sends his men all over the country hounding for me, my family and my friends. He has succeeded once or twice in doing away with my friends, but not all.

I know that he has also put a price to my head - Rs. 25 million (2.5 corers). He can do whatever he wants, similarly we will also retaliate in the very way he tried to attack me, my family and my cadres. He must understand this.

Prabakaran should know that attack is not a one way traffic affair.

But he had initial success, because we were in the beginning, not organized. Now it is too late for him. Thank God, by now I have already in the verge of completion of my organization.

Our cadres are almost regrouped and they are ready, willing and able to take the Vanni group at any given movement.

Earlier we were against the fratricidal war and that is why we withdrew from fighting and allowed them to come into the region. Now they have come in and showed their true colors.

The mercenaries of Prabakaran are on a rampage, on a killing spree and are killing even the mothers of the cadres. See what an inhuman and draconian approach adopted by these mercenaries in the name of Peace and Tamil.

Now the mothers of numerous cadres have sent words through our contacts to fight to finish the Vanni group and drive them out of the region.

They have been terrorized by the Vanni group and lot of tension prevailing in the Eastern region.

During the period of the observation of the cessation of hostilities, Vanni group is on a rampage to kill each and everyone opposing them.

Vanni group is under the impression that the ceasefire agreement they entered with the Government of Sri Lanka had provided them the License to Kill.

Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission is simply an observer of all these atrocities. Hapless Scandinavians and their hands are tied.

Meantime, Vanni group managed to spread all sorts of wild rumors about me. They went to the extent of alleging that I work with the Army intelligence group and working against them.

Prabaharan and his cohorts know very well what sort of a person I am. I never believed in the strength of others. I believe in me and in my cadres. I am a Tiger and I will never eat grass even when I am famished.

I fought the Sri Lankan army and how can these people come to the conclusion that I will join hands with them and collaborate with them?

This is nonsense. A very cheap propaganda ploy to discredit me and this is what we can expect from people like Thamilselvan.

They know and even Prabakaran knows that I will never work with the Sri Lankan Army, but they keep on making noises, may be to win a political a mileage, I am not sure.

But one thing I have to stress and proclaim at this point of time is that, I am indeed working against the Vanni group in the Batticalao Amparai districts and I will definitely dislodge them very soon from the region.

I dont need Sri Lankan army to drive away the mercenaries of Prabakaran. I only need the support of my people and the resolve of my cadres. That is all what I need and both are now in abundance in supply to me.

I feel pity for those women cadres- Nilavini, Premini Lavanya and Theenthamil. They were sent back to their homes by me.

They were forcefully abducted and threatened and their scripts were prepared by Pottu Ammans intelligence operatives and paraded in front of the Vanni controlled Propagandists no they are not journalists. And the Propagandists were instructed what to write and what not to write.

Today all these young ladies are taken to Vanni and thrown into the jail over there and punished.

Regarding Karikalan it was a different story.

Karuna posed.

Not concluded -

- Asian Tribune -

'India won't repeat its past mistakes' - N. Ram

N. Ram, Editor in Chief of 'The Hindu', the prestigious Indian daily in an exclusive interview with Sunday Observer staffer P. Muthiah talks about the Sri Lankan peace process, the ISGA proposal, the Karuna Revolt and says that India supports the peace process but will not repeat its mistakes of the 1980s.

Question: What are your views on the present situation of the peace process in Sri Lanka?

Answer: The peace process is a worthwhile one. Nobody in the right mind believes that there can be a military solution to the conflict. Sri Lanka's principal national problem is the ethnic crisis or ethnic conflict or Tamil problem- you can call it any way. There were attempts to solve this problem in the 1980s. India's contribution was negative at that time. Now, Indian policy has been corrected and it sees well what rights and wrongs are and makes overall positive contribution without intervention.

Politically India is clear that it should not repeat the kind of intervention it did in 1980s. That lesson is learnt and it supports the peace process in Sri Lanka. This problem is essentially a Sri Lankan one. India will make its contribution in re-building and peace-building efforts. Since the LTTE is persona non-grata in India, it has peculiar problems.

It cannot engage in any multilateral process where the LTTE is a party, for that is against Indian law and politics.

I see the proposal on Interim Self-Governing Authority in this context. We know what kind of organisation the LTTE is. It is not just an extremist organisation but also Pol Pottist. At the same time it represses democracy. It is a militarily powerful, well organised and disciplined organisation.

Therefore, if we study any proposal from the LTTE mildly, it is clearly undemocratic and endangers the sovereignty of Sri Lanka. The proposal suggests no democratic mandate and if we handed over the territory completely to the LTTE it would be dangerous.

Let us see the North because the East is a difficult preposition. I do not have enough information to judge how LTTE is weakened militarily and politically in the East. But, I think it is a crisis for them.

The Karuna revolt was a point of no return. But it is not Karuna's revolt. I think it is an alienation of the people of the East including Tamils from the LTTE for a very large measure. Literally there is huge repercussions, and politically too. It is worthless to say that Karuna is there and try to blame the political system, perhaps the government. The government has nothing to do with it, basically, except that Karuna was not allowed to be killed. Some protection of Karuna is good thing.

Karuna is the only LTTE leader of significance, the only Tamil leader of significance, because he got away revolting with the Pol Pottish leadership of Pirabaharan. He too recruited children in the East.

The fact that somebody broke away and did not pay with his life is a positive sign. I see only the merits of the issue.

Douglas Devananda was also able to survive. It is good. What it shows is that the LTTE would not tolerate any rival in their arena.The East is different now. It has a huge reason to worry. I see from newspapers that LTTE cadres are to be transported by helicopters of the security forces. This reflects the situation in the East.

Therefore, in this context, the ISGA proposal means that it has to be within the unity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka. This is what the international community has agreed. There is not a single government of any country in the world to my knowledge that supports the idea that is outside the framework of unity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka.

You can't give away the territory like that. But it is the business of the government, people and parties of Sri Lanka to decide how much autonomy they want to give. It is good if they could talk to it.

Q: What is the Indian position on this issue?

A: The Indian official position of the Vajpayeee government was reiterated even more strongly by Manmohan's regime. The Interim Government solution should be a part of a final solution. This is an Indian understanding. This is only an opinion.

This is how India sees the agenda.It is for the Sri Lankan government, people and parties to decide this issue without any external pressures. To give more autonomy or less is their problem. But India can support the peace process politically and morally.

There were a great number of achievements in the 80s. But President Kumaratunga brought about a breakthrough. It was widely perceived that she was the first leader with non-chauvinistic vision, since 1994.

She was courageous and in the process she lost one of her eyes. What I admire in her is that she has not been deterred, daunted by twists and turns. Everybody makes mistakes. But President Kumaratunga must get the credit for the breakthrough.

The President and the Government are deeply committed to the peace process.

They reiterated that this would not affect the peace process even after the suicide bomber reached Douglas very closely. This is a great thing.

Now the ceasefire is in effect. But parties to this negative peace really hope the LTTE would not return to its military ways. Of course there will be tremendous international opposition to that.

Q: Do Tamil Nadu politicians have a say in the decisions of the Central Government of India on Sri Lankan issue?

A: I completely disagree with Vaiko's views on the future of Northeast of Sri Lanka. He is an ardent supporter of Eelam and also an admirer of the LTTE. It is an open secret. He made this public. But one thing must be mentioned. Vaiko does not want Indian intervention. He also does not want militants to come to Tamil Nadu.

As far as the DMK, Mr. Karunanithy and Dayanidhi Maran are concerned they are not in any kind of sympathy with the LTTE. They have always made distinction between Tamil cause and the LTTE.

On the question of extradition of Pirabaharan it is related with law. But the Indian government does not want to make that an obstacle to peace process. It must be understood that successive governments including the BJP and the Congress led governments support peace process but not the LTTE.

In India we face similar problems in Andhra Pradesh. Former Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu failed to solve the problem. However, the present Congress government in that State has taken a different view. It has decided to engage in talks with the Peoples War Group, whose tentacles spread over to various States including Bihar, Jharkand, Chattisgarh etc. There are economic causes and they should be addressed. In solving these problems we are learning from Sri Lanka. The Central government hopes to pursue a moderate policy, that is negative peace.

Q: How are the Indo-Pak relations at present?

A: There is detente between India and Pakistan. We must engage in negotiations. Withdrawing diplomats, cancelling cricket matches and so on will not bring positive results but deteriorate the situation further. Present Indian government does not support military solutions to any problem.

It strives for a negotiated settlement. During the period of Rajiv Gandhi there was a breakthrough in Indo-China relations. Both countries agreed not to use force along their border. So a negative peace is prevailing now. The relations between the two countries constantly grow with strength.

This is a good example for Indo-Pakistan relations. President Musharaf is a military dictator. But he has inclinations towards democratic process, and respected by his people.

So, the need for peaceful engagement has grown considerably.

http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2004/08/08/fea31.html

Exposing the shameless somersault on the POTA issue by The Hindu editorialist

by Sachi Sri Kantha

Why does the Hindu newspaper establishment of Chennai spew venom on Eelam Tamil nationalism since 1983? How about the following answers? (1) By tradition, The Hindu is conservative, and places Indias interests in its head; [which means, they think supporting separatism in a neighboring country creates separatist tendencies among various Indian tribes.] (2) Being owned by the Tamil-speaking brahmins, in spirit, The Hindu cannot offend Sanskrit and thus by deduction has to profess an anti-Tamil stance; (3) It is good business to attack the LTTE and Pirabhakaran relentlessly and thereby please the Sinhalese, and wield some power in peddling back-door diplomacy; (4) Subscribing to the motto: ‘To hell with Tamil society; nothing is important for success in business other than selfishness and practising weather-vane politics’; (5) All of the above.

While checking the past editorials published in The Hindu newspaper on the LTTE-relevant theme, I came across six humorous editorials. These six editorials, which appeared between July 6, 2002 and May 10, 2004, relating to implementation of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA), are clear proof that answer number 4 cited above is closest to the truth. One has to read the complete texts of the six editorials to believe the irony. Editorials 1, 2 and 3 were written with bile on LTTE and Pirabhakaran and were pro-POTA. These were captioned as follows:

A necessary determination [The Hindu, July 6, 2002]; Signal against terror [The Hindu, July 13, 2002]; Selective use of POTA [The Hindu, April 1, 2003]

However, editorials 4, 5 and 6 were shameless somersaults from the pro-POTA stance, and The Hindu editorialist fumed with an anti-POTA stance. These were captioned as follows:

POTA reinterpreted [The Hindu, December 18, 2003]; Withdraw the Cases [The Hindu, April 10, 2004]; VAIKO’s Saga [The Hindu, May 10, 2004]

The central theme in the enacted POTA drama of mid 2002 was Tamil Nadu politician Vaiko’s [V.Gopalswamy, the leader of the MDMK] verbal offering of support to the LTTE and Pirabhakaran, which ruffled the feathers of his opponent, Jayalalitha, the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister. The Hindu editorialist initially endorsed the action of Jayalalitha whole-heartedly by stating, "Given the brazenness with which Mr. Vaiko has flaunted his support for the banned terrorist organisation, the LTTE, and has expressed his readiness to face any law, however stringent, on that account, the Tamil Nadu Government has no real choice but to act firmly against such dangerous defiance. In fact, the track record of Mr. Vaiko right from his days in the DMK has always had a strong and rather fanatically pro-LTTE streak, with its chief, Velupillai Prabakaran, being glorified as an unparalleled leader." [The Hindu editorial of July 6, 2002]

Nearly 22 months later,the same Hindus editorialist somersaulted into an anti-POTA agitator and concluded "The Vaiko case is a shocking illustration of how the `rule of law' has been and can continue to be misused to settle political scores in `Shining India'. It is emblematic of the inherent danger and mischief of POTA and a compelling argument for sending it to the dustbin of history." [The Hindu, May 10, 2004]

Reason for N.Rams somersault on POTA

Why this somersault in 22 months? Not that The Hindu establishment became a fan of Vaikos politics or felt good about his verbal support to the LTTE. The somersault was only because the ever-unpredictable Tamil Nadu chief minister Jayalalitha turned into a wolf and tried to bite The Hindu establishment with those same POTA teeth in late 2003. When Jeyalalitha turned against The Hindu establishment, N.Ram [the current chief editor of The Hindu newspaper] converted himself into an anti-POTA activist. He let the cat out of his bag in his interview to Shoba Warrier of Rediff.Com. on November 19, 2003 [source: www.rediff.com site]. Here are the excerpts:

Warrier: Did you have an inkling, even before the Tamil Nadu police descended on The Hindu office, of the things to come? I ask this question because all the journalists wanted by the police had disappeared by then.

Ram: In the morning, a friend heard from an inside source that the (Tamil Nadu assembly) privileges committee was to recommend some punishment. Then, the source said, (state chief minister) Jayalalithaa would intervene and magnanimously say, since I am involved, there is no need to go further. This was what we expected. Half of what we heard happened. The committee recommended seven days simple imprisonment, and Jayalalitha intervened, as expected, and said it was not needed as she was involved. So, the information was true. What came as a surprise was the other part which was on the editorial. The committee recommended 14 days imprisonment, and she kept quiet which means, go ahead. It was cunningly planned for a weekend. We had to take care of the liberty of our people.

Warrier: Why did you decide to hide them? Why didn't they come out in the open and face the police?’

Ram: Nobody decided to hide them. We saw it as unconstitutional and illegal. Otherwise, tomorrow, a legislature may say sentence somebody to death or whip him or cut his hands off like in Saudi Arabia, do you expect me to say, go and face it? There is nothing that prevents them from saying so. It is only a question of degree. We don't know how they will treat (executive editor) Malini (Parthasarthy). Rumours were they would rough her up. My uncle (publisher S) Rangarajan is 67 and has had two angioplasty surgeries.

If you say no court can look into it, what will happen tomorrow? The whole Constitution goes for a six. We argued in court, in fact, what is to prevent the speaker of the legislative assembly finding somebody guilty and sentencing (the person) to death and immediately ordering execution through a warrant by the speaker? What is to prevent it? You can say, right to life. The same thing is involved here. We don't know what they will do. Who knows whether Rangarajan would survive the way the police behaved in Bangalore.

Warrier: You don't have much trust in the state government machinery and the police?

Ram: To put it mildly, yes. The answer is, yes.

Warrier: Are you outraged by the behaviour of the police, or do you feel sympathy towards the police who had to execute such orders?

Ram: I have no sympathy for the police…"

By Golly! Ram has no sympathy for the Tamil Nadu police, and Ram has no trust in the [Tamil Nadu] state government machinery and the police. The answers are falling from the horses mouth. The same horse was the one which has been neighing about the authenticity of the Rajiv Gandhi assassination trial conducted in Tamil Nadu in the 1990s, and shouting from the rooftop that Pirabhakaran is a "prime accused in the Rajiv Gandhi murder case." [see below, editorials 1 and 2] Can any sane person expect some consistency from this loud mouth, Narasimhan Ram? If Ram a patriotic Indian citizen, to boot - himself doesnt trust the Tamil Nadu police, how could one expect the LTTE leader Pirabhakaran a non-citizen of India - to trust the same Tamil Nadu police?

What is further irritating is the fact that in both anti-POTA editorials published in April 10, 2004 and May 10, 2004, The Hindu didn’t apologize to its readers for its erroneous, gung-ho, pro-POTO stance presented in July 6, 2002 and July 13, 2002. But, isn’t it too much to expect apology from the scums of selfish journalism? For the record, I provide the six editorials in chronological order.

Editorial 1: A necessary determination [The Hindu, July 6, 2002]

The current police crackdown on pro-LTTE elements in Tamil Nadu, the highpoint of which is the registering of a criminal case under the Prevention Of Terrorism Act against the MDMK's supremo, Vaiko, reflects a commendable alacrity and determination on the part of the Jayalalithaa regime to go all out in rooting out such extremist subversive forces from the State. It was at Ms. Jayalalithaa's instance that the Centre recently clamped a ban under POTA on two homegrown Tamil chauvinist outfits — the Tamil Nadu Liberation Army (TNLA) and the Tamil Nadu Retrieval Troops (TNRT). Given the brazenness with which Mr. Vaiko has flaunted his support for the banned terrorist organisation, the LTTE, and has expressed his readiness to face any law, however stringent, on that account, the Tamil Nadu Government has no real choice but to act firmly against such dangerous defiance. In fact, the track record of Mr. Vaiko right from his days in the DMK has always had a strong and rather fanatically pro-LTTE streak, with its chief, Velupillai Prabakaran, being glorified as an unparalleled leader. This is something neither he nor his MDMK has ever tried to conceal even after the `Tigers' had perpetrated the treacherous and most heinous act on Indian soil of assassinating Rajiv Gandhi, India's former Prime Minister.

Critics of this move against Mr. Vaiko have alleged a partisan motive in applying to his case the special law that contains some admittedly stringent provisions. Certainly, there have been some genuine apprehensions and serious reservations about POTA and its enforcement. Most of them have stemmed from the experience of the infamous TADA; its draconian provisions were directed singularly against the minority communities. In a way, the record of the Vajpayee regime in invoking POTA so far has been hardly reassuring or likely to remove misgivings on this score, given its palpable reluctance to move against communal outfits of the majoritarian persuasion that have indulged in blatantly disruptive and violent activity. The LTTE is an unabashed practitioner of political terrorism of the most treacherous variety in the name of `ideology' and its subversive potential vis-a-vis India has showed up in the brutal murder of Rajiv Gandhi and its continuing threat of destabilising India's security. As such, the rationale for invoking POTA against the LTTE and its backers and campaigners is not difficult to appreciate. If ever there was a case for the invoking of POTA, there can be little doubt that the present case must surely be the one. It must be said to Ms. Jayalalithaa's credit that she has been unequivocal and forthright in her condemnation of the LTTE post-Rajiv Gandhi assassination. Her unambiguousness on this score reflected in her getting the State Assembly to pass a resolution urging the Centre to seek the extradition of Mr. Prabakaran, the prime accused in the Rajiv Gandhi murder case.

What remains a major cause for worry is the Vajpayee regime's strikingly non-serious approach to the matter of containing the LTTE. For a start, of course, there is its ambivalence about applying real pressure on Sri Lanka to extradite Mr. Prabakaran to face trial here, which is in contrast to its doggedness in pursuing its demands of Pakistan for the handing over of 20 terrorists wanted in criminal cases. Now, with the Tamil Nadu Government's determination to move against the pro-LTTE elements, the ruling National Democratic Alliance's reluctance to endorse this approach will reveal its double standards in its professed battle against terrorism. The prevarication of the Vajpayee regime of course has much to do with the fact that pro-LTTE parties such as the MDMK are part of the NDA. That such a patently anomalous partnership has prevailed for so long can be explained only in terms of the crass opportunism that has been the defining `principle' of the NDA from the very beginning. It is time the ruling coalition condemns such attempts to glorify terrorist organisations such as the LTTE. An unambiguous message must go out to the supporters and promoters of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu. The least that is expected of the Vajpayee regime is not to do anything that would scuttle or derail the Jayalalithaa administration's spirited effort towards that objective.

Editorial 2: Signal against terror [The Hindu, July 13, 2002]

The arrest of the MDMK chief, Vaiko, under the newly-enacted Prevention of Terrorism Act for his manifestly defiant and provocative pro-LTTE speeches has shown that the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, Jayalalithaa, meant business when she wrote to the Prime Minister about her Government's intention, after clearly spelling out the rationale for moving against him. The buildup to Mr. Vaiko's arrest and the manner in which it was effected, as he landed at the Chennai airport after a trip abroad, presented a striking contrast to the way a similar task was executed against the DMK chief and former Chief Minister, M. Karunanidhi, just over a year ago; it was a nocturnal operation carried out in an obnoxiously crude and unconscionably intrusive manner. In Mr. Vaiko's case, the action has been extraordinarily transparent and procedurally meticulous. No Chief Minister is obliged to tell the Prime Minister about an intended legal action in what lies in the State Government's exclusive constitutional domain. Not only did Ms. Jayalalithaa resort to this unusual, and presumably well considered course but ensured that everything the proposed action under POTA, the grounds for it and so on became public knowledge by publicising her letter to Atal Behari Vajpayee. Whatever the reason, the fact remained that this time around, the action taken by the Jayalalithaa administration is virtually free from the sort of infirmities that rendered it vulnerable to Central intervention on the earlier occasion.

As for the invoking of POTA, there can be little doubt that the tone and substance of Mr. Vaiko's speech in question (the one made at a public meeting to mark his party's anniversary) does attract the special anti-terror law's provisions. In fact, Mr. Vaiko has been an inveterate supporter of the LTTE not just the cause of the Sri Lankan Tamils' struggle for `nationhood' long before he broke away from the DMK to start his own outfit, MDMK. Neither he nor his organisation has ever fought shy of proclaiming their hero-worship of the LTTE's terrorist chief, Velupillai Prabakaran, the main accused in the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, India's former Prime Minister. If the LTTE remains outlawed since its involvement in Rajiv Gandhi's murder (first under the erstwhile TADA, now under POTA), it is because the outfit continues to be a serious threat to India's stability and security. Given this context, there can be absolutely no question of allowing anyone to indulge in anything that seeks to support or promote the LTTE's cause or project its image. It is imperative that powerful and unambiguous signals from both the State Government and the Centre go out to the backers and campaigners of the LTTE that the law of the land would be invoked unsparingly and this goes as well for the various Tamil chauvinist and subnationalist groups operating in Tamil Nadu. In this sense, the spirit behind the State Government's determined action against Mr. Vaiko (along with some of his party men) and a couple of Tamil extremist outfits should be sustained and carried forward so that the rest of the breed of subversives are also brought to book.

In the wake of Mr. Vaiko's arrest under POTA something the ruling coalition did not perhaps bargain for when it pushed the law through Parliament despite genuine reservations about some of its provisions the Vajpayee regime can no longer maintain its hollow pretensions that it is determined to root out terrorism of all hues and, at the same time, continue to have proclaimed LTTE-backers (such as the MDMK and the PMK) as partners in the ruling establishment. As long as the National Democratic Alliance has on board these outfits, the impression that when the BJP-headed coalition regime talks of fighting terrorism it means only `Islamic terrorism' is bound to be reinforced. Indeed, the track record of the Government so far does lend credence to such a construction.

Editorial 3: Selective use of POTA [The Hindu, April 1, 2003]

By first submitting to the Supreme Court that the MDMK general secretary, Vaiko, attracted the provisions of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, and then offering to file a fresh, corrective, affidavit on the issue after coming under pressure from allies, the National Democratic Alliance Government is guilty of endorsing selective use of the anti-terrorism law. The distinction sought to be made by the Centre between the "use" and the "misuse" of POTA appears to be driven by political expediency and not any legal argument. Apparently, the difficulty for the BJP, which heads the NDA, is to help the leader of an allied party, Mr. Vaiko, out of the case slapped on him by the Tamil Nadu Government for supporting the banned Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, without, however, diluting the provisions of the POTA. In short, the Centre, while maintaining the need for a draconian law such as POTA to deal with cross-border terrorism, does not want the same to be used by State Governments, whether in Tamil Nadu or Uttar Pradesh, against political opponents. Especially if these political opponents are friends of the BJP. Although there is no denying that some of the provisions of POTA are harsh, what is disconcerting is that the Centre, which rode roughshod over Opposition criticism of the Act, seems to have woken up to the danger of misuse of the legislation only after the BJP's political friends were put in the dock.

Even before the faux pas in the Government affidavit in the Supreme Court, which the Attorney-General, Soli Sorabjee, attributed to juniors, the Centre had decided to constitute a review committee to check misuse of POTA. The Deputy Prime Minister, L.K. Advani, had stated that the review committee would ensure that the law would not be used against ordinary criminals or persons who were not terrorists. In the eyes of the BJP, the cases of Mr. Vaiko, and the independent Uttar Pradesh MLA, Raja Bhaiya, did not warrant the use of POTA. But, irrespective of the political motives of the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, Jayalalithaa, or the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister, Mayawati, in putting their electoral rivals behind bars, the fact remains that they have gone by the book in invoking POTA and more justifiably in the case of the manifest support for the LTTE. Truly, it is impossible for the Centre to ensure that the law is used only for the reasons originally envisaged: cross-border terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir and destabilisation plans of Pakistan's ISI. Ironically, while the Jammu and Kashmir Government is not implementing POTA, other State Governments have become alive to the possibility of using POTA to deal with law and order problems and political rivals.

In Tamil Nadu, the Centre's attitude on POTA is irrevocably tied to the BJP's choice of allies. Any support of the State Government's use of the anti-terrorism law against Mr. Vaiko would have effectively ended the alliance with the DMK and the MDMK. The DMK president, M. Karunanidhi, has actually called for the repeal of the law, going a step further than even the MDMK which, being a junior ally in the NDA, has to be necessarily more circumspect before taking on the BJP. As the next general election is at least a year away, the BJP, for its part, would not like to displease the DMK when any tie-up with the AIADMK is yet to be formalised. The AIADMK and the BJP have moved closer to each other in the last one year, but it is still too early to talk of a political realignment. Indeed, the options-open policy of the BJP in Tamil Nadu seems to have resulted in the Centre's ambivalence on the Vaiko issue. If there is a point to be made against the political use of POTA by the State Government, then it holds true for the Centre too. Support or opposition from the Centre to particular cases of use of POTA is seemingly dictated by the political situation in a State. Without doubt, the Centre's plea against the misuse of POTA lacks credibility.

Editorial 4: POTA reinterpreted [The Hindu, December 18, 2003]

While upholding the constitutional validity of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA), the Supreme Court has sanitised what is easily the most contentious and loosely worded Section in this controversial piece of legislation. In doing so, the Court has tempered the disappointment that might have arisen out of its disinclination to review the provisions of this draconian law in a more comprehensive manner. It has been clear for some time now that Section 21 of POTA, which deals with offences relating to the support given to terrorist organisations, is cast in a manner that virtually invites gross abuse. On a plain reading, the Section makes no distinction between mere expressions of sympathy or verbal support for terrorist organisations and acting with the intent of inviting support for them or their activities. It was the failure to make this vital distinction that provided the Tamil Nadu Government the legal handle to book MDMK leader Vaiko under POTA for statements made in favour of the LTTE. For a while, Union Minister M. Kannappan was threatened with a similar fate after certain statements he made were interpreted as being "pro-LTTE".

The credit for arguing, and repeatedly, that Section 21 must be attracted only in cases where there is a criminal intention to further or encourage terrorist activity must go squarely to Attorney General Soli Sorabjee. The Supreme Court has essentially concurred with Mr. Sorabjee's interpretation of Section 21, thus building in a safeguard that will go a long way towards preventing the kind of political misuse POTA was put to in Mr. Vaiko's case. It is true that the Supreme Court rejected Mr. Vaiko's contentions in his writ petition and steered clear of expressing any view on the facts connected to his case. However, the judgment is still something of a victory for the MDMK leader. The Court's strict construal of Section 21 has, in effect, knocked the legal bottom out of the Tamil Nadu Government's case against Mr. Vaiko one in which the evidence against him is entirely based on certain "pro-LTTE statements" he is said to have made. Moreover, the Court upheld the contention that under POTA, those detained for over one year may avail themselves of the bail provisions under ordinary law.

Mr. Vaiko, who has been in detention for 17 months, did not choose to seek bail on a matter of principle. But he must fancy his chances of an early release from jail given the POTA trial court's likely reassessment of the case in the light of the Supreme Court's judgment. The Central Review Committee, which has been constituted to examine and review specific cases of the misuse of POTA, is also seized of his case. The Committee's recommendations are now binding on State Governments, a power it acquired from last month's ordinance, which was passed in the Lok Sabha on Tuesday as the POTA Amendment Bill. That the Centre has been forced to empower a non-judicial committee to review the application of specific cases booked under POTA is a clear admission that the legislation is flawed and has been prone to wanton misuse. Even if one ignores the larger legal issues related to granting this Committee the power to review ongoing criminal cases, the very setting up of such a mechanism constitutes a powerful indictment of POTA. The Supreme Court's task was to consider the constitutionality of this extraordinary legislation and not, as it observed, to examine whether the country really needs it. And here lies the rub. The Court's upholding of POTA does nothing to detract from the argument that — for reasons moral, political and commonsensical — POTA must go.

Editorial 5: Withdraw the Cases [The Hindu, April 10, 2004]

There was always only one rational conclusion with respect to the flagrantly unjust and politically motivated cases slapped on Vaiko, the general secretary of the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, and eight other partymen under the Prevention of Terrorism Act. Thankfully, the Central POTA Review Committee, which was recently given the legal teeth to check the misuse of the draconian anti-terrorism legislation, has arrived at just this. At one level, the Review Committee's finding that there is no prima facie case against Mr. Vaiko and eight others emerges from the obvious — the lack of even an iota of evidence to show that they were engaged in terrorist activity or for that matter any form of illegality. At another level, the Committee's conclusion flows naturally from the Supreme Court's ruling in December 2003. In that judgment, the Court, while upholding the constitutional validity of POTA, sanitised what was possibly the most controversial and dangerous provision in the law, by making a vital distinction between merely expressing verbal sympathy for a banned terrorist organisation and acting in a manner that invites support for its activities. Once the Court held that Section 21 of POTA will be attracted only when there is a criminal intention of furthering terrorist activity, the cases against Mr. Vaiko and eight of his partymen, who were booked for making allegedly pro-LTTE speeches, had no legal leg to stand on.

The Central Review Committee's finding that there is no prima facie case against the nine is binding on the Tamil Nadu Government. The anti-terrorism law was amended last year with the main purpose of giving the Central and State Review Committees, which enjoyed hardly any powers under the unamended Act, the authority to determine whether POTA has been misused in a particular case and, where warranted, direct a State Government to withdraw it. The new powers granted to the Review Committees were upheld by the Madras High Court, which ruled that if such a Committee came to the conclusion that a case "is fit to be withdrawn from prosecution, it can address the State Government which, in turn, has to instruct the public prosecutor" to withdraw the case. The Court added the caveat that it was then up to the public prosecutor to "apply his mind independently" and for the special court trying the case to decide whether the plea for withdrawal "is acceptable or not."

Having pursued the cases against Mr. Vaiko and his partymen in the face of grave misgivings and serious legal doubt, the Jayalalithaa Government must show the good sense to have them withdrawn quickly. The outrageous injustice done to Mr. Vaiko, who spent 19 months in detention before being released on bail, is incalculable and impossible to redress. The MDMK leader would be fully justified in seeking exemplary compensation for the manner in which his liberty was curtailed, for reasons that smack of political vendetta and through the (mis)use of a draconian provision in a bad law. The Central Review Committee's findings on the MDMK cases must be welcomed. At the same time, the very fact that such Committees are needed to review specific POTA cases constitutes a damning indictment of the anti-terrorism law, a shocking admission of the wanton misuse it has been and can be put to. It is only a matter of time before the cases against Mr. Vaiko and his partymen are formally brought to a close. But POTA — the legal basis for the agony they were made to undergo — remains on the statute book. For the sake of liberty and democracy, the campaign for scrapping the indefensible law must continue unabated.

Editorial 6: VAIKO’s Saga [The Hindu, May 10, 2004]

The wheels of justice may grind slowly, but grind they do. There may be some way to go before Vaiko, the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam leader, is freed from the case slapped on him under the Prevention of Terrorism Act. But in his long and courageous quest to absolve himself a period that saw him spend 19 months in jail and have his passport impounded Mr. Vaiko seems to be on the home stretch. The Supreme Court has stayed his trial, as well as that of eight other MDMK partymen, in the special POTA court. The Tamil Nadu Government has been legally obliged, following the Madras High Court's recent ruling, to instruct the public prosecutor to withdraw the cases against them. The High Court held that the Central POTA Review Committee's April 2004 order holding that the cases against the nine persons had no leg to stand on and must therefore be withdrawn "was binding on the Tamil Nadu Government." It also declined the State Government's plea to quash the order of the Review Committee.

Does the Tamil Nadu Government's instruction to the public prosecutor mean the cases are, in effect, withdrawn? Not quite. In an earlier ruling the Madras High Court held that even after such an instruction was issued, it was up to the public prosecutor "to apply his mind independently" and it was eventually for the trial court to decide whether the plea for withdrawal was acceptable or not. This circuitous and problematical ruling, which has been upheld by the Supreme Court, was based, first, on the ground that the independence of the public prosecutor (supposed to be secured by Article 321 of the Code of Criminal Procedure) must be safeguarded. The problem with this reasoning is that in politically sensitive cases the independence of the public or special prosecutor is a myth, as the Supreme Court discovered before ordering the transfer of the Jayalalithaa wealth cases and the Best Bakery Case to another State. The other issue involved in the Madras High Court's ruling was the perceived need to insulate an ongoing case in a judicial forum from the direct influence of executive or quasi-judicial authorities. It remains to be seen how Tamil Nadu's public prosecutor, who only recently adopted the strident position that there was "no question of withdrawing the case," reacts to the official withdrawal instruction. Another issue relates to the current status of the June 30 deadline set by the Madras High Court for the completion of the trial. All democrats must hope these questions have become academic after the Supreme Court issued an interim stay on the trial of Vaiko and the eight others in the special court.

The legal ground beneath the Tamil Nadu Government's infamous case against Mr. Vaiko collapsed when the Supreme Court held that POTA could not be used against those who merely expressed sympathy or verbal support for proscribed terrorist organisations. Accepting the contentions of Attorney General Soli Sorabjee, the Court held that POTA's Section 21 was attracted only in cases where there existed a criminal intention to further terrorist activity. The cases against Mr. Vaiko and his eight colleagues were built entirely around certain general speeches they made in support of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Eelam demand. There was not a quark of evidence to link them to any terrorist activity. The Vaiko case is a shocking illustration of how the `rule of law' has been and can continue to be misused to settle political scores in `Shining India'. It is emblematic of the inherent danger and mischief of POTA and a compelling argument for sending it to the dustbin of history.

http://www.sangam.org/articles/view2/index.php?uid=487

LTTE to reject Govt proposal on interim administration

PK Balachanddran

Colombo, August 14

The LTTE has said that it will reject any proposal that the Sri Lankan government may submit as an alternative to its own proposal for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) for the Tamil-dominated North Eastern Province (NEP).

The Head of the Political Wing of the LTTE, SP Tamilselvan, told the visiting Japanese envoy, Akio Suda, in Kilinochchi on Saturday, that the ISGA proposed by his organization had been drafted keeping the best interests of the Tamil people in mind and that it had the sanction of the Tamil people.

He said that the LTTE had already rejected a counter proposal (for an Interim Council) made by the government, and warned that any further drafts would also be rejected. The talks should be only on the LTTE's proposal for an ISGA, Tamilselvan said.

Japan is a co-chair of the Tokyo conference on rehabilitation and development aid to Sri Lanka. Because the aid package of US$ 4.5 billion is tied to progress in the peace process, Japan and other co-chair have been urging both the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE to restart the peace talks. Japan even has a Special Peace Envoy for Sri Lanka, Yasushi Akashi.

He has been visiting Colombo and Kilinochchi frequently to urge the two sides to move forward.

Earlier this week, the chief of the Sri Lankan government's Peace Secretariat, Jayantha Dhanapala, told newsmen in Jaffna, that the peace talks should take up both the government's proposal and the LTTE's.

But the government is in the process of drafting a proposal, according to the cabinet spokesman, Mangala Samaraweera. The LTTE had submitted its proposal in October 2003, and has been sitting pretty since then.

Meanwhile, the Sri Lankan government has been making very determined efforts to start the peace talks.

The Sri Lankan Prime Minister, Mahinda Rajapakse, met his Norwegian counterpart, Kjell Magne Bondevik, in Athens on Saturday, and told him that President Chandrika Kumaratunga and he, were "totally committed" to seeking a negotiated settlement of the ethnic crisis and eager to start the peace talks.

The President and he were "appreciative" of Norway's efforts and initiatives in this regard, Rajapakse said.

Norway is the official "facilitator" of the peace process.

As part of confidence building, the Sri Lankan government recently allowed the LTTE's Peace Secretariat to import duty free vehicles, even though this step came in for some flak by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP),a partner in the United Peoples' Freedom Alliance (UPFA) government in Colombo.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_948...83,00050002.htm

http://www.asiantribune.com/show_news.php?id=10805

http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/afp.../100986/1/.html

Why ISGA is LTTE's irreducible minimum

COLOMBO DIARY | PK Balachanddran

Colombo, August 16

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have now made it abundantly clear that they will not entertain any alternative to their proposal for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) for the predominantly Tamil, North Eastern Province (NEP) of Sri Lanka.

In the immediate context of the peace talks, what the "Tigers" mean is that at the talks there should be only one basic document for discussion, namely, the ISGA as proposed by them in October 2003.

And going by justifications they give for the kind of ISGA they have proposed, it is clear that it is an "irreducible minimum" and "non-negotiable".

The LTTE has, in other words, adopted a "take it or leave it", stance which has put the Chandrika Kumaratunga government in Colombo, in a tight and unenviable spot.

President Kumaratunga will have to contend with serious problems while considering LTTE's rather brazen stand.

She cannot give an impression to her Sinhala constituency in south Sri Lanka, that she is abandoning the concept of the supremacy of the Sri Lankan State, specifically, its sovereign right to present its own proposal for an Interim Administration or an Interim Self Governing Authority in a part of the country.

If she accepts the LTTE's demand (in her anxiety to start peace talks and get the US$ 4.5 billion international development aid tied to progress in the peace process), she may lose the support of the ultra-Sinhala nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP).

She needs JVP's support to keep her United Peoples' Freedom Alliance (UPFA) in power. And she has to be in power for at least two years to enable the UPFA to fight the all-important Presidential election due in 2005 or 2006.

The JVP, which is beginning to be very belligerent in a number of fronts to the embarrassment of the President, has made it clear that it will not allow the peace talks to take up only the LTTE's proposal.

Of course, Kumaratunga has the theoretical option of jettisoning the JVP and co-opting, in its place, the opposition United National Party (UNP) led by former Prime Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe. Indeed, the UNF had made an offer of "unconditional support" if she jettisoned the JVP. But this is not a practical option for Kumratunga given the basics of present-day politics in South Sri Lanka.

Kumaratunga and Wickremesinghe are quintessential rivals who see only a sinister motive behind any offer one may make to the other. In the current context, Kumaratunga's fear is that Wickremesinghe may dump her and topple her government once he weans her away from the JVP.

For Kumaratunga, the JVP may be an embarrassment as far as the peace process and the talks with the LTTE are concerned, but it is a useful ally in other, more vital, matters relating to Sri Lanka's main political constituency, the Sinhala-Buddhist community living in the Southern, Central and Western parts of the island.

In fact, no Sinhala-Buddhist leader, including Ranil Wickremesinghe, will actually make a deal with the minority Tamils, risking the displeasure of this all-important political constituency. This being so, one is not surprised that Kumaratunga took Wickremesinghe's offer of support for starting the peace talks on the basis of the LTTE's proposal for an ISGA, with a pinch of salt. She rejected it off hand.

Stuck with the JVP, on the one hand, and faced with the adamant stance of the LTTE, on the other, Kumaratunga is well and truly in a cleft stick. While the JVP and the LTTE can play their political games without adverse consequences to themselves, Kumaratunga and her Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) cannot.

Both the JVP and the LTTE are in a happier position. The JVP is hoping that a tough stand against Tamil separatism now, will enhance its future political prospects and help it move up the political ladder from the present position of a junior partner in a government, to being in power all by itself. The LTTE is hoping that by maintaining an adamant and extremist posture, it can get what it considers to be an "irreducible minimum" in the current stage of its politico-military struggle for an independent Tamil Eelam.

Why does the LTTE think that its proposal is an irreducible minimum? A perusal of the proposal, both the text and the preamble, will tell us why.

The proposal takes into account certain concerns, which have their basis in the nature of the long drawn out, and hard Tamil struggle for rights, and the LTTE's role in it. The parameters are as follows: -

1.The history of broken promises made by the Sinhala - majority governments in Colombo since the 1950s.

2.The scant respect shown by the Sinhala leadership for the peaceful struggle of the Tamils to secure their rights, forcing them to take to arms.

3.The power and sway the Tamils have managed to acquire over the NEP through an armed struggle.

4. The politico-military dominance the LTTE has acquired over the NEP.

5. The popular sanction that the LTTE has got for its claim to be the "sole representative of the Tamils" through the 2001 and 2004 elections in the NEP, which it fought through a proxy outfit, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA).

6.The need to secure control over the landmass and the seas of the NEP to enable the people of the NEP to enjoy the benefits of their natural resources untrammeled by the hegemonic control of the Centre in Colombo.

7.The need for an independent and efficient system of government in view the bad job done thus far by the Sri Lankan government which, according to the LTTE, has been traditionally anti-Tamil, corrupt and inefficient.

8.The need to maintain an independent security system, with an independent army, navy and police, to safeguard the hard-earned gains of the people of NEP against intrusion from Colombo and overseas.

9.The need to venture out of the confines of the present constitution of Sri Lanka with a view to securing justice for the Tamils, who had not participated in the earlier constitution making exercises in the country in 1972 and 1978.

10.The need to fashion an interim administrative structure in accordance with other internationally sanctioned interim structures in other areas of conflict in the world.

Beginning on a conciliatory note, Art 2.1 of the LTTE's proposal says that the size of the ISGA will be open to negotiations between the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE. Art.2.2 says that the ISGA will have members appointed by all three stakeholders in the NEP, namely, the LTTE, the Sri Lankan government, and the minority Muslim and Sinhala communities.

But given the fact that it exercises effective control and jurisdiction over the majority of the areas of the North East, and has the electoral mandate of the majority of the Tamil people in the North East to be their "authentic" representative, the LTTE has given itself an "absolute majority" in the body. In other words, more than 50% of the members of the ISGA will be from the LTTE.

The absolute majority will give the LTTE the requisite numbers to get any measure it wants, passed by the ISGA.

The ISGA will elect a Chairperson, who will function as its Chief Executive. The Chairperson will, in turn, acquire the right to appoint and sack the Chief Administrator of the NEP.

Art.9.1 and Art.11 say that the ISGA will have "plenary" (full) power for the governance of the NEP, including powers in relation to land, settlement, rehabilitation, development, raising revenues, expenditure and the maintenance of law and order.

Again, to be accommodative, the proposal says that the detailed modalities of the exercise of such powers shall be subject to further discussion by the parties to the agreement.

Art.12 says that the ISGA shall have powers to borrow both internally and externally, provide guarantees and indemnities, receive aid directly, and engage in internal and external trade.

Art.17, dealing with the resettlement of land occupied by the Sri Lankan armed forces, says that the "denial to the rightful civilian owners of unfettered access to such land is a violation of the norms of international law." It goes on to say that such land must be immediately vacated and restored to the possession of the previous owners and that the Sri Lankan government should pay compensation to them.

Art 17 further says that the resettlement of people shall fall entirely within the jurisdiction of the ISGA.

Art 18 lays claim to the marine offshore resources of the NEP.It says that the ISGA shall have power to regulate access thereto.

Art.19 says that the ISGA will have control over the natural resources of the NEP.While existing agreements relating to any such resources shall continue in force, the Sri Lankan government shall ensure that all monies due under such agreements are paid to the ISGA. Future agreements shall be entered into with the ISGA only.

Art.22 says that in the event of any disagreement about any provisions of the Agreement on the ISGA, there could be bilateral discussions. If the conflict is not resolved, the Norwegian government (the official facilitators of the Sri Lankan peace process) could attempt conciliation. If this too fails, there could be an arbitration committee comprising two appointees from each side, and a chairperson on whom there is a mutual agreement. In case there is disagreement on the chairperson, the parties shall ask the President of the International Court of Justice at The Hague to appoint a chairperson.

As for the duration of the ISGA agreement, Art.3 says it shall be in force for five years, unless, the peace talks had resulted in an agreement on a final settlement of the ethnic question before that period.

At the conclusion of five years, if no final settlement had been reached, there would be elections to the ISGA. But these would be conducted by an "independent Election Commission appointed by the ISGA," and held under "international supervision."

In defense of its ISGA proposal, the LTTE would say that it embodies the ground situation, the political and military balance of power in the NEP, the expressed will of the Tamil people in respect of all aspects of the administration of the NEP, and the dismal track record of past agreements arising from the failure of mainstream Sinhala leaders to negotiate in good faith and keep their word.

It is argued that without plenary powers of the sort outlined in the proposal, the Tamils will not be able to lead the kind of life they have been fighting for, for close to half a century, sacrificing over 70,000 men and women, and suffering displacement and deprivation of epic proportions.

The retrieval of rights over the land and the sea resources of the NEP are critical for the survival of the Tamil people, the LTTE contends. So are the clauses dealing with the structures to protect these rights.

The Sri Lankan government's draconian regulations on land acquisition and re-occupation and restrictions on fishing had deprived thousands of Tamils of rich agricultural lands and denied thousands of Tamil fishermen their rightful livelihood.

The Tamils also say that the LTTE has to keep its separate army and navy and not disarm, because these forces are necessary to regulate outsiders' access to the land and maritime resources of the NEP.

Pro-LTTE observers point out that the LTTE has been reasonable enough not to ask for the right to secede in exercise of the Tamils' right to self-determination. Clearly, the LTTE is serious about its commitment to finding a solution within a united Sri Lanka, they say. They contrast this with the case of the rebels in Southern Sudan who had sought and secured a provision for an internationally supervised referendum on secession at the end of a six-year agreement they had entered into with the Sudanese government at Machakos in July 2002.

The LTTE is acutely aware that the present unitary Sri Lankan constitution does not permit the establishment of the kind of structure it has proposed. The proposal does impinge very adversely on the powers of the Centre. But it argues that if the Tamil problem is to be solved and peace is to be restored to the country, the Sri Lankan polity will have to agree to go beyond the constitution.

It is also pointed out that the ISGA is only an interim arrangement with a tentative five-year time period. The proposal also commits the LTTE to begin discussing the final settlement even as the ISGA is being set up and is running (Para five of the preamble).

The government has been changing its stand from time to time. The earlier stand was that any Interim Administration vested with high power could be established only at the penultimate stage of the peace talks when a final settlement was already in sight. The government had also been saying that any Interim Administration would have to be in consonance with the final settlement and must anticipate its nature.

But recently, there has been a change in the government's stand. It is now saying that the LTTE's proposal can be "discussed" but the ISGA as suggested by the LTTE cannot be "established" at this stage. It also wants to place its own scheme for an Interim Administration for consideration at the talks.

The government will find it very difficult to get the consent of the Sinhala people for the dilution of the powers of the Centre to the extent demanded by the LTTE. Government will be giving up control over land, which is a third of the total landmass, and over marine resources along two thirds of the total coastline. Its army may have to vacate vast areas of land. It has to give up the idea of settling Sinhalese in the NEP on a planned basis.

There are legal problems in going for structures outside the constitution of Sri Lanka because there is a set procedure for amending the constitution. A two-thirds majority in parliament is needed. In certain cases, a referendum might have to be ordered.

The LTTE has now shot down even the government's watered-down proposal to discuss the ISGA along with its own proposal. "Establish the ISGA as proposed first, and then start discussions on a final political settlement," says the LTTE.

There seems to be no meeting ground between the two.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/181_950...76,00050002.htm

LTTE likely to replace its Eastern Commander

Colombo, Sep 12 (UNI) Eastern province continues to be the LTTE's headache as reports here today suggested that the Tigers' top leadership had effected structural command change.

Ramesh, LTTE's eastern leader will be replaced by Colonel Bhanu, the head of the LTTE's artillery wing, military sources in Colombo said.

Ramesh replaced the renegade Karuna after the latter quit the outfit in March. The Karuna faction had initially tried to lure Ramesh into their ranks.

Colonel Bhanu is a native of the north and observers said it remained to be seen as to how the LTTE cadres in the east would react to his appointment in the face of arguments of favouritism.

One of Karuna's grievances was that all top positions in the LTTE are being reserved forn the northern cadres leaving out the eastern cadres only to serve the battle field.

Thanx: http://www.deepikaglobal.com

கொழும்பு மேல் நீதிமன்ற நீதிபதி சுட்டுக் கொலை

ஜ க.கீர்த்திகா ஸ ஜ வெள்ளிக்கிழமை, 19 நவம்பர் 2004, 16:32 ஈழம் ஸ

கொழும்பு மேல்நீதிமன்ற நீதிபதி சரத் அம்பேபிட்டிய இன்று மாலை 4:30 மணியளவில் பண்டாரநாயக்க ஞாபகார்த்த சர்வதேச மாநாட்டு மண்டபத்துக்கு அருகில் உள்ள நீதிபதிகளின் உத்தியோகபூர்வ வாசஸ்தலத்தில் வைத்து சுட்டுக் கொல்லப்பட்டுள்ளார்.

இச்சம்பவத்தில் அவருடன் உடனிருந்த அவரின் மெய்பாதுகாவலரும் சுட்டுக் கொல்லப்பட்டுள்ளார்.

சிற்று}ர்தியில் வந்தவர்களே இத்துப்பாக்கிச் சூட்டை நடத்தியதாகவும் தெரிவிக்கப்படுகிறது.

மேல் நீதிமன்ற நீதிபதி சரத் அம்பேபிட்டிய பல பிரபல வழக்குககளின் தீர்ப்புக்களை வழங்கியிருந்தவர் என்பது குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.

¿ýÈ¢. ¯¾Âý.

இலங்கை இந்திய அரசுகளிடையேயான உறவை சீர்குலைப்பதற்காகவே சாருக்கான் நிகழ்ச்சியில் குண்டுத்தாக்குதல் நடத்தப்பட்டுள்ளது என்று இலங்கை அரசு தெரிவித்துள்ளது.

முழுமையான செய்திகள் ஆங்கிலத்தில் ......

http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?t...storyID=7072020

கடன் பட்டார் நெஞ்சம் போல கலங்குகிறாரே இலங்கை ராணி

எரிக் சொல்ஹெய்ம் மீண்டுமொரு தடவை இலங்கை சென்று திரும்பியிருக்கிறார்.

ஈழப்பிரச்சனையில் மறக்கப்பட முடியாத ஒரு நாடாக நோர்வேயும் மற்றும் எரிக் சொல்ஹெய்ம் அவர்களும் கவனிப்புப் பெறுகிறார்கள். 2000 இல் தொடங்கிய அவர் பயணம் இன்னமும் முடியவே இல்லை. கொழும்பு வருவதும் அரச பிரதிநிதிகளை சந்திப்பதும் பின்னர் விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் பிரதிநிதிகளைச் சந்திப்பதும் பின்னர் மீண்டும் அரசு உறுப்பினர்கனைச் சந்திப்பதுமாக அவரது பணி ஓய்வு ஒழிச்சல் இல்லாமல் தொடர்கிறது.

அது தவிர அவ்வப்போது லண்டன் சென்று புலிகளின் மதியுரைஞர் அன்ரன் பாலசிங்கங்கத்தை சந்திப்பதுவும் சில சமயங்களில் புது டில்லி சென்று இந்திய உயர் அதிகாரிகளுகளுக்கு விளக்கம் அளிப்பதுவுமென மேலதிக பணிகளும் அவரை ஒட்டிக் கொள்கின்றன.

கடந்த தடவை அவர் கிளிநொச்சிக்கு செல்வதுக்கு முன்பாக இனிமேல் புலிகளின் பகுதிகளுக்குள் ஹெலிகொப்ரர் சேவையினை நடாத்துவதில்லை என விமானப் படை முடிவு செய்திருந்தது.

பலாலியில் அல்லது வவுனியாவில் இறக்கிவிடப் படும் எரிக் சொல்ஹெய்ம் தரை வழியாக புலிகளின் பகுதிக்கு செல்ல வேண்டியிருக்கும் எனவும் கூறப்பட்டது.

இது எப்படி இருக்கிறது என்றால்... இலங்கை அரசு எரிக் சொல்ஹெய்மைப் பார்த்து, நீங்களாச்சு புலிகள் ஆச்சு.. எமக்கும் இதற்கும் எந்த வித தொடர்பும் இல்லை. விரும்பினால் வாங்க, புலிகளைச் சந்தியுங்க... என்பது போல இருக்கிறது.

இருப்பினும் இறுதி நேரத்தில் (ஐனாதிபதியிடமிருந்து விசேட உத்தரவு வந்ததாம்) அவர் ஹெலிகொப்ரரிலேயே அழைத்துச் செல்லப்பட்டார். ஆனாலும் காலநிலை சரியில்லாததால் அவர் அனுராத புரத்தில் இறக்கிவிடப்பட்டு தரை வழியாகச் சென்றே தமிழ்ச்செல்வனைச் சந்தித்தார்.

நோர்வேயின் அனுசரணைப் பணி வெற்றியடைந்து சமாதானம் மலர்கிறதோ இல்லையோ நோர்வே ஈழத்தமிழர்களின் நட்பு நாடாக என்றும் திகழும் என்பது உண்மை.

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டோக்கியோ உதவி வழங்கும் நாடுகளின் இணைத்தலைமை வகித்த நாடுகளின் பிரதிநிதிகள் வெளியிட்ட அறிக்கைக்கு ஜே வி பி தனது பதிலினை வெளியிட்டிருக்கிறது. சமாதான முயற்சிகளுக்கு தாம் எதிரானவர்கள் இல்லை என்றும் புலிகளே உண்மையில் சமாதானத்தை விரும்பவில்லை என்றும் ஆனால் இடைக்கால தன்னாட்சி சபை (இடைக்கால அரசு) குறித்து தாம் பேச அனுமதிக்கப் போவதில்லை எனவும் அதன் பதிலறிக்கையில் தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டிருக்கிறது.

அத்துடன் நோர்வே நாடு பக்கச் சார்பாக புலிகளுக்கு ஆதரவாக நடந்து கொள்கிறது என்ற குற்றச் சாட்டினையும் ஜே வி பி தெரிவித்திருக்கிறது.

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அரச பங்காளிக்கட்சியான ஜே வி பி இடைக்கால அரசு பற்றி பேசுதல் என்ற பேச்சுக்கே இடமில்லை என்று அறிவித்திருக்கின்ற நிலையில் அரசின் அடுத்த கூட்டணிக் கட்சியினைச் சேர்ந்தவரும் ஜனாதிபதியுமான சந்திரிகா அவர்கள் இடைக்கால நிர்வாக அலகு குறித்துப் பேசலாம் என நோர்வேயிடம் தெரிவித்திருக்கிறார்.

பாவம் அவர்..

பேசினால் ஆட்சியிலிருந்து விலகுவோம் என்று ஜே வி பி மிரட்டுகிறது. அவ்வாறாயின் ஆட்சியை இழக்க வேண்டியிருக்கும்.

பேசாவிட்டால் கோடிக்கணக்கான நிதியுதவிகளை நிறுத்தி விடுவோம் என உதவி வழங்கும் நாடுகள் மிரட்டுகின்றன. அவ்வுதவிகள் கிடைக்காவிட்டால் யுத்தத்தால் ஒடிந்து போயிருக்கின்ற இலங்கைப் பொருளாதாரம் கொஞ்சமாய்த் தன்னும் முதுகு நிமிர்த்த முடியாது.

என்ன செய்ய போகிறார்..

கடன் பட்டார் நெஞ்சம் போல கலங்குகிறாரே இலங்கை ராணி

Thanx: Sayanthan

http://sajee.yarl.net/archives/002420.php#more

சிலவிடயங்களில் உதவி வழங்கும் நாடுகள் இப்படிசில செய்திகளை அறிவித்துவிட்டு அரசாங்கத்துக்கு ஆதரவான சில செயற்படுகளை செய்வது கடந்த காலங்களில் நடந்திருக்கின்றது. சில காலங்களுக்கு முன் இலங்கைக்கு ஒரு தொகுதிப்பணம் வழங்கியுமிருக்கிறது. இதெல்லாம் அரசியலுங்கோ...

எங்கடை பிரச்சனை அவ÷களுக்கு கால்பந்துமாதிாி தேவைக்கேற்ப அடிப்பினம். கொஞ்ச நாட்களில் அரசாங்கத்துக்கு ஆதரவான ஏதாவது நடவடிக்கைகள் செய்வினம்.

கடன் பட்டார் நெஞ்சம் போல கலங்குகிறாரே இலங்கை ராணி

கடன் கூடிபோய் கலங்கிகுறார்

Sri Lankan senior rebel leader's relative deported by Canada

COLOMBO, Dec. 24 (Xinhuanet) -- The brother-in-law of Tamil Tiger rebels' political wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan has been deported to Sri Lanka from Canada, the local website Lankapage said on Friday.

Thamilselvan Nandagopal alias Gopu, 32, a frontline leader of the World Tamil Movement (WTM), a Tiger front organization, was involved in raising funds for the rebels and was deported following his unsuccessful asylum application after living there for more than nine years, the website said.

Gopu, described as a failed refugee claimant, has been arrestedearly this month because of his involvement with Thamilselvan and the links with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

He had arrived in Canada on a student visa and registered at the Carleton University in Ottawa, but dropped out a year later and started off as a volunteer at the WTM.

The move to deport Thamilselvan's brother comes in the wake of other western countries getting tough with Sri Lankans seeking asylum. Germany has also been scrutinizing asylum applications andhas deported dozens of Lankans over the past few months.

http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2004-12/...ent_2377155.htm

Sri Lanka: Monks step in (?)

SRI LANKA

23,000 dead

MISSING: Unknown

BUDDHIST monks are handing out rice and curry to survivors at temples.

The death toll on the island rose steadily yesterday as corpses continued to be pulled from rivers and lagoons.

An estimated million people are homeless.

In a rare gesture, the government invited leaders of the Tamil Tigers separatist movement to help relief efforts.

The Tigers echoed a government appeal for aid just a month after vowing to restart the war stopped by a ceasefire two years ago.

Their leader Velupillai Prabhakaran issued a statement of condolence to the southern Sinhalese he has been fighting for more than two decades.

Health authorities began receiving reports of widespread diarrhoea — caused by drinking contaminated water — and measles.

Bodies are being photographed, fingerprinted and buried without being identified.

In the countrys second city, Galle, nearly all the homes within half a mile of the coast were destroyed or damaged.

All 135 children at an orphanage run by Tamil women rebels were killed.

THE Foreign Office has issued an emergency number 020 7008 0000 for those who wish to check on relatives and friends affected by the tsunami or to pass on information about them.

For travel advice on the affected countries visit the Foreign Office website at www.fco.gov.uk or telephone 0870 606 0290. For other general enquiries call 020 7008 1500.

http://www.thesun.co.uk/article/0,,2-20046...4602250,00.html

Behave like Indian Navy, says LTTE:

[World News]: Colombo, Dec 31 : A Tamil guerrilla leader has urged the Sri Lankan Navy to act like the Indian Navy and come to the rescue of the tsunami-hit Tamil population in the island's north and east.

The head of the rebels' Sea Tigers unit, known as Colonel Soosai, also called upon the people to beware of post-disaster diseases like the ones he said killed many in Gujarat after the 2001 earthquake.

"The Sri Lanka Army says it is in Jaffna to protect the civilians. If that is the case why is it using its helicopters to search and rescue only its soldiers missing in the peninsula?" Soosai said in an interview put out by TamilNet, a website run by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

"We see what the Indian Navy is doing to help the tsunami-devastated people on the south Indian coast. The Indian Navy, despite suffering losses in the disaster, is actively involved in the evacuation and medical care of people in Tamil Nadu," he said.

Soosai said the LTTE was using all its heavy vehicles to retrieve bodies trapped under buildings destroyed by the Dec 26 tsunami.

But he added: "Even if we deploy all our resources for the rescue work, it won't be enough.

"Many people who survived the earthquake in Gujarat were killed later by epidemics. We should not let it happen here. We should take precautions now."

Soosai also urged the Sri Lankan government not to differentiate between the Tamils and Sinhalese populations in relief and rehabilitation work.

"The government should not look at this as a Sinhala or Tamil issue. It should see it as a human tragedy and help.

"We should now ensure that the people rescued from the tsunami devastation are protected from diseases rather than let the enormity of the tragedy make us inactive. The government of Sri Lanka should consider our people also as human beings," said Soosai.

Soosai said the LTTE asked for heavy vehicles from the Sri Lankan government for rescue work here but they took time in coming.

"We are now using all our heavy vehicles round the clock to retrieve bodies buried under buildings and trees flattened by the tsunami. This is not adequate to deal with the crisis of this proportion.

"If Colombo really wanted to help our people in this crisis, it would have done so much until Dec 28."

Almost 30,000 people have died in Sri Lanka in the Dec 26 tsunami.

Indo-Asian News Service

செய்திகள் எப்படி இரு வடிவங்களில் வருகின்றது பாருங்கள் ?

யாழில் அகதி முகாமுக்கு இராணுவம் தீ வைப்பு

யாழ்ப்பானம் குடத்தனை அகதி முகாமில் தங்கியிருந்த மக்கள் இராணுவத்தினரால் வெளியேற்றப்பட்டு முகாம் தீ வைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.

இந்த சம்பவம் நேற்றிரவு இடம்பெற்றதாக எமது யாழ். பிராந்திய செய்தியாளர் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.

ஆழிப்பேரலை காரணமாக பொற்பதியிலிருந்து இடம்பெயர்ந்த 64 குடும்பங்கள் இங்கு தங்கியிருந்தன.

இந்த சம்பவத்தின் போது இரண்டு சிறுவர்கள் தாக்கப்பட்டு காயமடைந்து வல்வெட்டித்துறை வைத்தியசாலையில் அனுமதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளார்கள்.

இது தொடர்பாக போர் நிறுத்த கண்காணிப்புக் குழு விசாரனைகளை மேற் கொண்டு வருகிறது.

இதேவேளை அம்பாறை மாவட்டம் அன்னமலையிலுள்ள அகதி முகாம்களில் விசேட அதிரடிப்படையினர் அட்டகாசங்கள் காரணமாக மக்கள் அச்சமும் பீதியும் அடைந்துள்ளதாக எமது கல்முனை செய்தியாளர் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.

இரவு நேரங்களில் முகாம்களுக்கு செல்லும் விசேட அதிரடிப்படையினர் யுவதிகளுடன் தகாத முறையில் நடந்துகொள்ள முற்படுவதாகவும்ää களஞ்சியத்திலுள்ள உணவுப் பொருட்களை பலவந்தமாக எடுத்துச் சென்று தமக்கு அறிமுகமானவர்களுக்கு விநியோகிக்க முயற்சிப்பதாகவும் இதுபற்றி மேலும் தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.

http://www.eelampage.com/index.shtml?id=20...21628288783&in=

புலிகள்தான் முகாமை எரித்தார்கள் என்று இராணுவம் வெளியிட்ட செய்தி ....

Tamil Tigers torch camp

COLOMBO: Tiger rebels yesterday torched a refugee camp in Sri Lanka's northern peninsula of Jaffna in which some 60 Tamil families who were victims of last week's tsunami were housed, a defence official said.

Defence Ministry spokesman Daya Ratnayake said the rebels torched the refugee shelter after local residents defied the guerillas and continued to accept aid from the military.

"The Tigers don't want us to help the victims," Ratnayake said.

"They set fire to the structure and forced some 60 families to flee to another shelter at a church."

Another government military official said two Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) members arrived yesterday morning on a motorbike and burnt the camp at Kudatane, in Jaffna.

"Two cadres of the LTTE came on a motorbike and burnt the camp," the official said.

The pro-rebel TamilNet website said the Tigers have accused the military of burning the camp.

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka's only international airport ran out of fuel yesterday amid an influx of cargo flights carrying aid for tsunami victims.

Aviation Ministry secretary Ariyaratne Hewage said they restored supplies at the Bandaranaike International airport by mid-day with the local supplier asked to pump in more fuel.

"We had a problem in the morning, but it was cleared and we are now fully operational," Hewage said, adding they had enlisted hundreds of volunteers to unload the cargo carriers. "We have never had to deal with such a lot of traffic at the airport," he said.

http://www.gulf-daily-news.com/Story.asp?A...L&IssueID=27289

இந்தியா எக்ஸ்பிரஸ் வெளியிட்ட இந்த செய்தியை படித்து பாருங்கள் .....

Sri Lanka's north sees a revival of the great divide

JAFFNA, JANUARY 10: They wonder up here whether the south has forgotten the north and how this part of the island was also a victim of the tsunami. That they too have suffered and need aid. Questions are also asked why Kofi Annan was not permitted to visit the area during his weekend visit.

They are also still burying their dead and there is a lot of grief, but there is rehabilitation as well. After the clean-up comes the restructuring, but this part of Sri Lanka, that opened up in February 2002 and was in many respects seriously damaged during the insurrection against Colombo, is still coming to terms with the invasion from the sea.

There is also another side of the destruction that is slowly emerging. Family here in the north who have lost contact with family in the south.

One is Usha Ishini (32), a senior nurse from Galle, who tells her story in a ward full of children injured by the tsunami in a hospital near Kopal, to the east of Jaffna. As she changes a bandage on a child's arm, she admits she still has no idea who of her family survived. Her last contact with her older brother Sachit was on Dec 24, to wish him on his birthday. She has been unable to contact anyone nor go to the coastal town.

It is very depressing and I am fearing the worst, she said. I am hoping to get away from here later in the week. But I am also needed here in the hospital. We lost staff during the disaster and there is no one to take my place if I go back to Galle.

Usha fears if children see her sadness or tears, they will be disturbed as they have been through enough. Most have lost family, but not all are orphans.

As Usha explains, the feeling abandonment and isolation is largely tied to a visit to the area by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse and other politicos, one from the despised Marxist JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna). It is the JVP who want the LTTE to drop their demand for an independent self-governing authority as a rider for peace talks.

Wimal Weerawansa was chased out of Jaffna when tsunami survivors discovered he was the JVP propaganda secretary during a conversation. They now feel that the JVP are trying to stop any meaningful aid from reaching the peninsula.

Just what he (Weerawansa) hoped to achieve by coming here is hard to understand. They should have known that no one from the JVP is welcome in this region. says Usha. Ironically, the area where her family lived is now partly controlled by JVP cadres who have been defying the non-political stand of parties in relief operations by openly wearing red T-Shirts and distributing packages that two NGO groups had brought into the south.

It is one of the ironies of this massive aid operation, that political opponents have to work together. But LTTE and the JVP are far apart in all realms of ideology, and even the tsunami disaster, as Usha points out, has further polarised the situation. We have promised her that we are going to contact colleagues in the south to trace her family.

http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.ph...ontent_id=62479

சுனாமியின் அநாதைகள் - நிலாந்தன்

சுனாமியினால் லாபம் அடைந்தது யார். நட்டமடைந்தது யார். என்று கணக்கெடுக்க வேண்டிய ஒரு கட்டத்திற்கு சுனாமி அரசியல் வந்துகொண்டிருக்கிறது. எப்பொழுது சுனாமி ஒரு அரசியலாகியதோ எப்பொழுது சுனாமிக்கு பிந்திய மனிதாபிமான பணிகளில் மனிதாபிமான விகிதச்செறிவு அருவருப்பூட்டும் அளவிற்க்கு அதிகரித்ததோ அப்பொழுதிருந்தே சுனாமியின் இலாப நட்டத்தை கணக்கெடுக்க வேண்டிய ஒரு தேவையும் தோன்றி விட்டது.

இதன்படி பார்த்தால் சுனாமியால் பெரும் லாபம் அடைந்தது முதலாவதாக அமெரிக்கா. இரண்டாவதாக சிறிலங்கா அல்லது சந்திரிக்கா. இதில் நட்டம் யாருக்கு என்றால் தமிழர்களுக்கே. இதைச் சிறிது விரிவாக பார்ப்போம்.

முதலாவதாக அமெரிக்காதான் சுனாமியின் பயனாளி. சிறுதொகைப் பணத்தை நிதியுதவியாகக் கொடுத்ததைத் தவிர மற்றெல்லா விதங்களிலிலும் அதற்க்கு வரவுதான். ஆம் அவர்கள் தந்ததை சிறுதொகை என்றே கூறவேண்டும். அவர்களைப் பொறுத்தவரை அது மிகச் சிறுதொகைதான். அதைக்கூட அவர்களின் மனிதாபிமான அரசியலுக்கு ஒரு முதலீடு என்று பார்த்தால் அதனை செலவுக்கணக்கில் போடமுடியாது. எனவே சுனாமியின் பெரியபயனாளி அமெரிக்காதான்

சுனாமியின் பெயரால் அமெரிக்கா இச்சிறுதீவில் தனது பிடியைமேலும் இறுக்கியிருக்கிறது. சாதாரண காலம் என்றால் இதைச்செய்யும் போது இந்தியாவிற்கு நோகாமல் செய்வது கடினம் ஆனால் சுனாமியின் பெயரால் அமெரிக்கா இலங்கைத்தீவில் உரிமை பராட்டுவதில் தனக்கு உருவாகியிருக்கும் புதிய வாய்ப்புக்களை ஆகக்கூடியபட்சம் பயன்படுத்தியிருக்கிறது. குறைந்த பட்சம் குறியீடகவேனும் அவர்கள் துருப்புக்களை இலற்கைத்தீவினுள் நகர்த்த முடிந்திருக்கிறது.

அண்மையில் அம்பாந்தோட்டையில் ஒரு கூட்டத்தில் ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்க பேசியிருந்தார். இதில் அவர் ஜே.வி.பியை சுட்டாமல் சுட்டி சில கருத்துக்களைக் கூறியிருந்தார். நாட்டிலே தற்சமயம் தோன்றியுள்ள நிலை ஒரு அரசியல் யதார்த்தம் என்றும் அதை ஏற்றுக்கொள்ள வேண்டும்மென்றும் வெறுமனே அரசியல் கொள்கைகளை இறுக்கிப்பிடித்துக் கொண்டு தூதரகங்களுக்கு முன் ஊர்வலம் செய்வதால் பலனில்லை என்றும் தொனிபட ரணில் அதில் பேசியிருந்தார். இதன் அர்த்தம் என்வென்றால் ரணில் முன்பு அடிக்கடி சொல்லி வந்த சர்வதேச வலைப்பின்னல் இதுதான் என்பதே. இலங்கைத்தீவில் அமெரிக்காவின் பிடி இறுக இறுக அது ஒரு கட்டத்தில் யூ.என்.பிக்கு நன்மையாய் முடியுமென்று ரணில் நம்புகிறார் போலும்.

அவர் கூறியது போல சர்வதேச வலைப்பின்னல் இப்போது சந்திரிக்காவிற்கு கிடைக்கத் தொடங்கிவிட்டது. இதன் படி கூறின் சந்திரிகாவை சுனாமியின் இரண்டாவது பெரிய பயனாளி எனலாம்.

அமெரிக்காவுடன் நெருங்கி ஒத்துழைக்கும் போது இந்தியாவுடன் ஏற்ப்படக்கூடிய அசௌகரியங்களிலிருந்து சுனாமி சந்திரிகாவை பாதுகாத்திருக்கிறது மட்டுமல்ல் சுனாமி சந்திரிகாவை அவர் சிக்கித்தவித்து வந்த பொருளபதார பிரச்சனைகளிலிருந்தும் ஒப்பீட்டளவில் விடுவித்திருக்கிறது.

இந்தோனேசியாவில் விடுதலைக்காக போராடும் அசே மாநிலத்தில் நிவாரண உதவிகள் Nபுழு க்களினூடாக வழங்கப்படுவதை உறுதிப்படுத்துமாறு இந்தோனேசிய சனாதிபதி தன்னிடம் கேட்டதாக கொபி அனான் அண்மையில் கொழும்பில் வைத்து கூறியிருந்தார். ஆனால் இலங்கை அரசாங்கத்திடம் இருந்து அத்தகைய கோரிக்கை எதுவும் வரவில்லை என்றுமவர் தெரிவித்திருந்தார்.

இந்நிதியை கையாளும் விசயத்தில் இணையத்தளத்தை திறந்து அதில் எல்லாக்கணக்கு விபரங்கயையும் பதிவில் வைக்குமாறு உலகவங்கியின் தலைவர் அண்மையில் அரசாங்கத்திற்கு ஆலோசனை கூறியிருந்தார்.

ஆனால் இது விடயத்தில் அரசாங்கம் ஒளிவு மறைவு அற்ற தன்மையை நிரூபிக்கும் விதத்தில் இப்பந்தி எழுதப்படும் நாள்வரையில் எது வித நடவடிக்கையும் எடுத்தாக தெரியவில்லை.

சுனாமி நிதி இலங்கைத்தீவின் பொருளாதரத்தில் எத்தகைய தாக்கங்களை ஏற்ப்படுத்த வல்லது. என்பதை விளங்கிக் கொள்வதற்க்கு அண்மைய நாட்களில் பொருளியல் நிபுனர்கள் பயன்படுத்தும் ஒரு சொற்றொடரை இங்கே சுட்டிக்காட்டலாம். னுருவுஊர் னுஐளுநுயுளுநு - டச் நோய் - என்பதே அந்த சொற்றொடர். சுனாமி நிதி இலங்கைத்தீவின் பொருளாதரத்தில் டச் நோயை கொண்டுவரக் கூடும் என்று மேற்;ப்படி பொருளியல் நிபுணர்கள் கூறுகிறார்கள். டச்சு நோய் எனப்படுவது 1960 களில் நெதர்லாந்தில் உண்டாகிய பொருளாதார வீக்கம் ஒன்றை குறிக்கப்பயன்படுத்தப்படும் ஓர் சொற்றொடராகும். நெதர்லாந்தில் 1960 களில் வடகடல் பிரதேசத்தில் பெருமளவு இயற்கை எரிவாயுப் படிவுகள் கண்டு பிடிக்கப்பட்டதை அடுத்து டச்சுப் பொருளாதாரம் வேகமாக வீங்கியது. இதனால் டச்சு நாணயத்தின் பெறுமதி சடுதியாக உயர்ந்தது. ஆனால் அதேசமயம் எண்ணெய் அல்லாத அல்லாத ஏற்றுமதிக்குரிய உற்ப்பத்திப் பொருட்களை உற்ப்பத்தி செய்வதற்க்கான போட்டிகள் குறையத்தொடங்கின. இது போலவே சுனாமி நிதியும் இலங்கை நாணயத்தை எதிர்பாராத விதமாக பலப்படுத்தி -யிருந்தாலும் வரும் காலத்தில் இது என்னென்ன பக்கவிளைவுகளைக் கொண்டுவரக் கூடும் என்பது பற்றி சிந்திக்கவேண்டுமென்று மேற்ப்படி நிபுணர்கள் கூறுகிறார்கள். இங்கு முக்கியமாக கவனிக்கப்படவேண்டியது என்னவெனில் டச்நோய் வரக்கூடும் என்று சொல்யலுமளவிற்க்கு எதிர்பாராத பெருமளவு பெருமளவு நிதி கொழும்பில் வந்து குவிக்கிறது என்பதையே.

ஆனால் பொருளியலளர்கள் சற்றுக் கூடுதலாக கோட்பாட்டு ரீதியிலும் நீண்டகால நோக்கிலும் சிந்திப்பதாகவே தோன்றுகிறது.

மாறாக சந்திரிகா அவருக்கு முன்னிருந்த எந்தவொரு சிங்கள தலைவருமே அப்படி நீண்டகால நோக்கில் கோடப்பாட்டு விளக்கங்களுடன் சிந்திப்பவர்கள் அல்ல. அப்படி சிந்தித்திருந்தால் சந்திரிகாவை சுனாமியின் பயனாளி என்று சொல்லும் நிலை வந்திருக்காது.

அவருக்கு தேவை உடனடி நிவாரணம். அது வந்து குவிகிறது. அதை வைத்து இனி காலத்தை கடத்தலாம். ஒரு புறம் சுனாமியைக்காட்டி பட்ஜெட் வாக்குறுதியையும் ஏனைய வாக்குறுதியையும் நிறைவேற்றாமல் விடலாம். அத்தோடு எதிர்க்கட்சிகளின் வாயையும் ஏன் ஜே.வி.பியின் வாயையும்கூட மூடிவிடலாம். இன்னொரு புறம் சுனாமிநிதியை வைத்து நாட்டின் பொருளாதரத்தை ஒப்பீட்டளவில் மீட்கலாம். சந்திரிகாவை பொறுத்தவரை சுனாமி என்பது பிச்சைக்காரனுக்கு வந்த புண்ணிற்குசமம் அதைவைத்து அவர் எல்லாத்தரப்பiயும் குறிப்பிட்ட ஒரு காலத்திற்கு சமாளிக்கலாம்.

ஆனால் இதில் உள்ள பிரச்சனையான விடயம் என்னவென்றால் அவருடைய தனிப்பட்டநிகழ்சிநிரல் ஒன்றை சுனாமி அடுத்துக்கொண்டு போய்விடுமா என்பதுதான். அடுத்த ஆண்டுடன் அவருடைய பதவிக்காலம் முடிகிறது. அதற்க்கு பிறகும் நாட்டை ஆள்வது என்றால் அரசியலமைப்பில் ஏதாவது குறுக்குவழிகளை கண்டுபிடிக்க வேண்டும். அதற்கு முதலில் எதிர்க்கட்சிகள் தரப்பிலிருந்து விலைக்கு வாங்கக்கூடிய எம்பிக்களை வாங்கி விடவேண்டும். இதைச்செய்யவில்லை என்றால் அடுத்த சனாதிபதி தேர்தலோடு சில சமயம் பண்டாரநாயக்காவின் ஆட்சி முnவுக்கு வரக்கூடும்.

எனவே இப்பொழுது சந்திரிகாவின் கவலையெல்லாம் அவருடைய தனிப்பட்ட கனவுகளை சுனாமி அடித்துக்கொண்டு போய்விடாதபடி பார்த்துக்கொள்ளுவதே. அல்லது இன்னும் சரியாகச் சொன்னால் சுனாமியை வைத்து அவருடைய தனிப்பட்ட கனவுகளை எப்படி நிறைவேற்றுவது என்பதே. இதற்காக எதிர்த்தரப்பிலிருந்து ஆட்களை விலைக்கு வாங்குவதற்கு சுனாமி நிவாரனத்தைக் கூட பாவிக்க கூடிய ஆளாவர்.

எனவே சுனாமியின் உடனடி பயனாளியாக அவர் காணப்பட்டாலும் சுனாமி அவருடைய தனிப்பட்ட கனவுகளையும் அள்ளிக் கொண்டுபோயிற்றா இல்லையா என்பதை வைத்தே சுனாமியால் அவர் பெறப்போகும் நிகர இலாபத்தை கணக்கிடலாம்.

இது வரையிலும் நாம் பார்த்தது சுனாமியினால் லாபமடையும் தரப்புக்களைப் பற்றியது. இனி நட்டமடைந்திருக்கும் தரப்பை பார்ப்போம்.

கடந்த இரண்டேமுக்கால் ஆண்டுகளாக சமாதானத்தின் அநாதைகளாக காணப்பட்ட தமிழர்களே சுனாமியின் அநாதைகளும் ஆகியிருக்கிறார்கள். சுனரி வந்து அவர்களுடைய உள்நாட்டு மற்றும் வெளிநாட்டுச் சேமிப்பை கரைத்துக் கொண்டு போகும் நிலை.

சுனாமிக்கு முன்பு தமிழ் அரசியலில் காணப்பட்ட அதே ஈருடகநிலை தான் சுனாமிக்கு பின்னும் தொடர்கிறது. சுனாமிக்கு பிந்திய அரசியலில் தமிழர்களுடைய சொந்த சேமிப்பு கரைந்து கொண்டே போகிறது என்பதே மெய். இது தவிர்க்க முடியாததும் கூட.

சர்வதேச உதவிகள் போதியளவு கிடைக்காத ஒரு நிலையில் தமது பலத்தில் அதுவும் அவர்களுடைய நவீன வரலாற்றில் முன் எப்பொழுதும் நிகழ்ந்திராத கடற்கோளின் இழப்புகளில் இருந்து மீண்டும் எழுவதற்கு தமது சொந்த சேமிர்ihயே செலவளிப்பது என்பது அதுவும் மீண்டும் ஒரு யுத்தம் வரக்கூடும் என்ற எதிர்பார்ப்புகளின் மத்தியில் அதைச் செய்வது என்பது ஒரு சிறிய இனம் எடுக்கக் கூடிய ஆகப் பெரிய ?ரிஸ்க்? தான்.

சர்வதேச சமூகத்தின் உதவி எனப்படுவது உத்தியோகபூர்வ வழிகள் ஊடாகவும்䤠நிறுவனமயப்பட்ட ஓர் ஒழுங்கிற்ககு ஊடாகவும் இது வரையிலும் தமிழர்களிடம் கையளிக்கப் படவில்லை. இத்தாலிய தூதரகம் கிளிநொச்சிக்கு வந்து நிவாரணப் பொருட்களை நேரடியாக புலிகளிடம் கையளித்தது போன்ற சில உதிரிச்சம்பவங்களைத் தவிர குறிப்பிட்டுச் சொல்லும்படியாக செயல் பூர்வமான நகர்வுகள் ஒப்பீட்டளவில் குறைவாகவே நிகழ்ந்திருக்கின்றது.

ஆசிய அபிவிருத்தி வங்கியின் இலங்கைக்கான பணிப்பாளர் அலெசான்றோ பியோ கூறுகிறார்; புலிகளின் கோரிக்கைகளையும் ஆராய்ந்த பின்னரே இலங்கைக்கான மீள் கட்டுமானத்துக்கு உரிய தேவை மதிப்பீட்டை இறுதியாக்க முடியும் என்று.

ஆனாலும் சுனாமிக்கு பிந்திய தமிழ் அரசியலையம் ஒப்பிடுமிடத்து ஒன்று தெளிவாகத் தெரியம் நிலைமையில் பரவகமூட்டும் மாற்றம் ஏதும் இல்லை என்பதே அது. கடந்த சில தினங்களாக இலங்கைக்கு வந்து போகும் தலைவர்கள்䤠இராஜதந்திரிகள் மற்றும் உதவி வழங்கும் நிறுவனங்களின் பிரதானிகள் யார் யார் என்பதையும் அவர்கள் எங்கெங்கு விஜயம் செய்கிறார்கள் என்பதையும்䤠யார் யாரை சந்திக்கிறார்கள் என்பதையம் தொகுத்துப் பார்த்தால் ஒரு விடயம் தெளிவாகத் தெரியும். உலகம் தமிழர்களை எந்தளவு கோல்களால் அளக்கிறது என்பதே அது.

அண்மை நாட்களாக கொழும்புக்குவரும் உயர் தலைவர்கள்䤠முதன்னிலை பிரதானிகள் போன்றோர் வன்னிக்கு வருவதில்லை. அதே சமயம் உதவி வழங்கும் அமைப்புகளின் இரண்டாம் நிலை பிரதானிகள் அல்லது வெளிநாட்டு அமைச்சர்கள் போன்றோரே வன்னிக்கு வருகின்றார்கள்.

உதாரணமாக கொபிஅனான்䤠கொலிக் பவல் உலகவங்கியின் தலைவர் மற்றம் கனேடிய பிரதமர் போன்றோர் வன்னிக்கு வரவில்லை. அதுமட்டுமல்லாது அன்னை தெரோசாவின் தொண்டு நிறுவனத்தின் தலைவியாய் இருக்கும் ககோதரி நிர்மலா கூட வன்னிக்கு வராமலே போய்விட்டார்.

அதாவது சுனாமிக்கு முன் காணப்பட்ட அதே அரசியலின் நீட்சிதான் சுனாமிக்கு பிந்திய மனிதாபிமான அரசியலும் காணப்படுகிறது என்பதே. இப்படிப் பார்த்தால் தமிழர்கள் தமது சொந்த சேமிப்பை கரைத்துக் கொண்டிருக்கும் அதே சமயம் சுனாமியின் பெயரால் கொழும்பு உதவியைப் பெற்று வீங்கிவருகிறது. ஒருபுறம் தமிழர்களின் சேமிப்பு கரைகிறது. இன்னொரு புறம் கொழும்பின் சேமிப்பு பேரம் பேசும் சக்தியும் அதிகரிக்கிறது. இதனால் அங்கே டச்நோய் வந்து விடுமோ என்று அஞ்சும் ஓர் நிலை.

இது யுத்த நிறுத்த உடன்படிக்கையின் போது காணப்பட்ட வலுச்சமநிலையை குழப்பக்கூடிய ஓர் அம்சம். இது இப்பயே போனால் தமிழர்கள் சமாதானத்தின் அநாதைகளாகி விரக்தியுற்று சமாதானத்தில் நம்பிக்கை இழந்தது போலவே சுனாமியின் அநாதைகளுமாகி உலக சமூகத்திடம் நம்பிக்கை இழக்கும் ஓர் நிலை விரைவில் தோன்றக்கூடும். இத்தகையதொரு பின்னணியில் முன்பு ரணிலின் காலத்தில் எப்படி மேற்கு நாடுகளின் பிடி கொழும்பில் ஒப்பீட்டளவில் அதிகரித்து காணப்பட்டதோ அவ்வாறான ஓர் நிலை இப்பொழுது சுனாமிக்கு பின்பு வளர்ச்சி அடைந்து வருவது போல தோன்றுகிறது. இப்படி சந்திரிகாவை தமது செல்வாக்கு வலயத்திற்குள் கொண்டு வரும் முயற்சியில் மேற்கு நாடுகள் வெற்றிபெறுமாயிருந்தால் அவரை சமாதானத்தை நோக்கி நிர்ப்பந்திக்க வேண்டிய பொறும்பும் அவர்களுக்கு உண்டு.

இதன்படி இப்பொழுது சுனாமி அரசியலின் கீழ் சமாதானம் செய்வது என்பது தமிழர்கள் சுனாமியின் அநாதைகள் ஆகிவிடாதபடி பார்த்துக் கொள்வதிலிருந்துதான் அதாவது தழிழர்களுக்குரிய உதவிகள் உரிய வழிகள் ஊடாக உரியநேரத்தில் வழங்கப்படுவதில் இருந்தே தொடங்கப்பட வேண்டியிருக்கிறது.

Eelanaatham

நன்றி..

சுனாமி அரசியலா? அரசியல் சுனாமியா?

அமெரிக்க மக்களை கிலிகொள்ள வைத்த செப்ரெம்பர்11 தாக்குதலுக்குப்பின் எப்படி உலக ஒழுங்கமைப்பில் 9-11 க்குமுன் 9-11 க்குப் பின் என்று நோக்கப்பட்டதோ அதேபோல் தென்னாசியாவில் ஏற்பட்ட நிலநிடுக்க ஆழிப்பேரலை அனர்த்தத்திற்குப்பின் ஏற்ப்பட்ட நிகழ்வுகளை சுனனாமிக்குமுன் சுனாமிக்குபின் என ஆய்வாளார்கள் நோக்குகிறார்கள்.

உலகின் பல்வேறுநாடுகளிலும் ஏற்ப்பட்ட பிரச்சினைகளை தனது இராணுவ பொருளாதார நலன் களுக்காக தமக்கு சாதகமாக பயன்படுத்த எண்ணி தூபம் போட்டு வளர்த்து வந்த வல்லரசு நாடுகள் 9-11 க்கு பின் 'தன் வினை தன்னைச்சுடும்" என்பதை உணர்ந்து தமது 'இராஜதந்திரங்களை' மாற்றிக்கொண்டதுடன் தமது கதவுகளையும் இறுக சாத்திக்கொண்டது.

அதன் விளைவாக தாம் 'பயங்கரவாதிகள்' என கருதும் எவருக்கெதிராகவும் சட்டவரப்பற்ற நடவடிக்கை எடுப்பது ஏனைய உலக அரசாங்களுடன் இணைந்து பயங்கரவாதத்திற்கு எதிரான போரை விஸ்த்தரிப்பது

எதிர்காலத்தில் தமக்கு சவாலாக வரக்கூடியவர்களை கண்காணிப்பது போன்ற நிகழ்ச்சி நிரல்கள் வகுக்கப்பட்டன செயற்படுத்தப்பட்டன.

இதனால் உண்மையாகவே விடுதலை வேண்டி நீண்டகாலமாக போராடிவரும் சில விடுதலை அமைப்புக்கள் பாதிக்கப்பட்டதும் இந்த வல்லரசுகளின் மறைமுக கண்காணிப்பு நாடுகளினது உதவியுடன் சமாதான தீர்வுக்கான பேச்சுவார்த்தைகள் ஆரம்பிக்கப்பட்டதும் அனைவரும் அறிந்ததே.சில நாடுகளில் உள்நாட்டு ஆயுதப்போராட்டங்கள் மூலமே தமது கால்களை பதிக்கலாம் என கனவுகண்ட வல்லரசுகள் பின்னர் அப்போராட்டங்களை முடிவுக்கு கொண்டுவரவேண்டிய நிர்ப்பந்தத்தில் சமாதான தரகர்களையும் சர்வதேச ஊடகங்களையும் யன்படுத்தினாலும் தற்காலிகமாகவே தமது |கனவை| மறந்திருந்தன.இப்போ அங்கே ஏற்பட்ட சுனாமி தென்னாசியாவின் கதவுகளை அகலதிறந்துள்ளது. மனிதாபிமான உதவிகள் என்ற போர்வையில் சில உபத்திரவங்களும் தரையிறக்கப்பட்டுள்ளன.

இலங்கைத்தீவை பொறுத்தவரை சுனாமி அரசியல் ஐ.நா செயலாலரின் இலங்கை விஜயம் ஜேவிபியின் யாழ் விஜயம் நிவாரணபங்கீட்டில் பாரபட்சம் இராணுவம் வலிந்து அகதிகள் முகாமின் நிர்வாகத்தை எடுக்க முனைந்தமை என்பவற்றில் வெளிப்பட்டது.சுனாமி அரசியல் மூலம் பயன்பெற நினைத்த இலங்கை அரசு எடுத்த நடவடிக்கைகள் இப்போ ஒரு அரசியல் சுனாமியையே இப்பிராந்தியத்திற்கு வரவழைத்திருக்கிறது.

அமெரிக்கா தலைமையிலான கூட்டுப்படைகளின் தரையிறக்கத்துடன் ஆரம்பமாகியுள்ள இவ் அரசியல் சுனாமி முழுத்தீவின் இறைமைக்கே கேள்விக்குறியாகினாலும் ஆச்சரியப்படுவதற்கில்லை. கண்கெட்டபின்னே சூரிய நமஸ்காரம்| பண்ணும் இந்தியா இந்த விடயத்தில் தாமதமாகவே தன்னை சுதாகரித்துக்கொண்டு சீனாவுடன் தனது உறவுகளை பலப்படுத்தும் இராஜதந்திர முயற்சிகளில் இறங்கியுள்ளது.ஆனால் எதுபற்றியும் கவலைப்படாத இலங்கை ஆட்சியாளர்கள் எரிகிற வீட்டில் பிடுங்கிறது லாபம்| என்ற மனப்போக்கில் நாட்டை அடகுவைக்க எந்த வல்லரசுடனும் பேரம் பேசவும் தயார் என்ற நிலைப்பாட்டிலேயே செயற்படுகிறார்கள்.

சிங்களதேசம் இதுகுறித்து சிறிதும் வெட்கம் கொள்வதற்கு மாறாக இந்த அரசியல் சுனாமியால் எப்படி தமிழர் தேசத்தின் கோரிக்கையை முற்றாக மூழ்கடிப்பது என்பதிலேயே முனைப்பாக உள்ளது.தமிழ் மக்களாகிய நாங்கள் இந்த அரசியல் சுனாமிபற்றி விழிப்புடன் இருப்பதும் நமது தலைவிதியை நாமே நிர்ணயித்துக்கொள்ளும் உரிமைக்கு பங்கம் நேர்ந்து விடாது பார்த்துக்கொள்வதும் எமது தலையாய கடமையாகும்.

தமிழத் தேசியம் மக்கள் போராட்டம் உலகத்தமிழர் ஆதரவு என்பவை முன் எப்போதும் இல்லாதவாறு தமது பலத்தை வெளிப்படுத்தி எமது இனத்தின் கவசமாக உள்ளவர்களின் கவசமாக செயற்படவேண்டிய மிகமுக்கிய தருணம் இது. செயற்படுவோம்..!

- மு.விஜயராகவன் (இலண்டன்)

பிரிட்டிஷ் உயரதிகாரியிடம் தமிழ்க்கூட்டமைப்பு வேண்டுகோள்

கடற்கோள் அனர்த்தத்தால் மிக மோசமான அழிவுகளை எதிர்கொண்டுள்ள தமிழ்ப் பிரதேசங்களில் புனரமைப்பு நிவாரணப் பணிகளை மேற்கொள்ள தனியான கட்டமைப்பொன்றை ஏற்படுத்துவதன் மூலமே அரசின் மோசடி நடவடிக்கைகளை தடுக்க முடியுமென்றும் எனவே, அதற்குரிய நடவடிக்கைகளை பிரிட்டனும் சர்வதேச சமூகமும் மேற்கொள்ள வேண்டுமென்றும் தமிழத் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு வேண்டுகொள் விடுத்துள்ளது.

இலங்கைக்கு வருகை தந்துள்ள பிரிட்டிஷ் வெளிவிவகார அமைச்சின் தெற்காசிய விவகாரங்களுக்கான சிரேஷ்ட அதிகாரியான சைமன் பொன்டை நேற்று செவ்வாய்கிழமை காலை தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களான ஜோசப் பரராஜசிங்கம், கஜேந்திரகுமார் பொன்னம்பலம் ஆகியோர் சந்தித்த போதே இந்த வேண்டுகோளை விடுத்துள்ளனர்.

பிரிடிட்ஷ் தூதரகத்தில் நடைபெற்ற இந்தச் சந்திப்பின் போது தமிழ்க்கூட்டமைப்பு பிரதிநிதிகள் தற்போதைய நிலைமைகள் தொடர்பாக தெரிவிக்கையில் கூறியதாவது:-

கடற்கோள் அனர்த்தத்தால் பாதிக்கப்பட்ட மக்களின் நிவாரணப் பணிகள், மீள்குடியேற்றம், அபிவிருத்தி போன்றவற்றுக்கான சகல அலுவலகங்களும் மத்தியிலேயே தான் அமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளன.

மிக மோசமான இழப்புக்களை எதிர்கொண்ட தமிழ்ப்பிரதேசங்களின் மக்களினது அல்லது அங்குள்ள பிரதிநிதிகளினதோ பங்களிப்பு மத்தியில் அமைக்கப்பட்டுள்ள அலுவலகங்களினால் பெறப்படவில்லை. இதுவோர் பாரபட்சமான தன்னிச்சையான நடவடிக்கையாகும்.

மூன்றில் இரண்டு பங்கு கடற்கரைப் பிரதேசம் வடக்கு.கிழக்கிலேயே பாதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. எனவே, சர்வதேச சமூகத்தின் உதவிகள் பாதிக்கப்பட்டவர்களுக்கு பகிர்ந்தளிக்கப்படுவது உறுதி செய்யப்பட வேண்டும்.

வடக்கு,கிழக்கில் அரச இயந்திரம் முழுமையாக செயற்பட முடியாத நிலையே உள்ளது. எனவே, வடக்கு,கிழக்குக்கு தனியான கட்டமைப்பைபொன்று உருவாக்கப்பட்டு அதற்கூடாக புனரமைப்பு நிவாரணப் பணிகள் முன்னெடுக்கப்பட வேண்டும்.

ஏனெனில், தென்னிலங்கையில் பாதிக்கப்பட்ட இடங்களில் துரித நடவடிக்கைகளை முன்னெடுத்து வரும் அரச தரப்பினர் பாதிக்கப்பட்ட தமிழ்ப் பிரதேசங்களை தொடர்ந்தும் புறக்கணித்த வண்ணமேயுள்ளனர்.

கடற்கோள் அனர்த்தம் அரசுக்கு நல்லதோர் சந்தர்ப்பத்தை வழங்கியுள்ளது. வடக்கு,கிழக்கில் முன்னெடுக்கப்பட வேண்டிய புனரமைப்பு நிவாரணப் பணிகளில் விடுதலைப் புலிகளையும் இணைத்துக் கொள்வதன் மூலம் இரு தரப்புக்குமிடையே பரஸ்பரம் புரிந்துணர்வை உருவாக்க முடியும் என்றும் தமிழ்க்கூட்டமைப்பு பிரதிநிதிகள் தெரிவித்துள்ளனர்.

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